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PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
IN
THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
Personal and Geographical Names
in
the Gupta Inscriptions
TEJ RAM SHARMA
CONCEPT PUBLISHING COMPANY
DELHI
First Published 1978
Tej Ram Sharma 1976
Tej Ram Sharma (b. 1941- )
Published by
Naurang Rai
Concept Publishing Company
65-F, Anand Nagar
DELHI-1 10035 (India)
Printed by
Malik Composing Agency
at Mayur Press
G.T. Karnal Road
DELHI-1 10033 (India)
05^3
IV*
IN THE MEMORY OF
MY MOTHER
LATE SHRIMATI SHAHNI DEVI
Foreword
'What is there in a name?' There is definitely much more in
a name than may appear to be the case on a superficial survey.
Names may appear to be quite casual, so much so that the
man bearing them has hardly any say in the matter. We find
some people adopting new names or adding aliases. In many
cases the name does not have any equation with the personal
qualities of the man concerned. The titles assumed by a
man may reflect something of his inner personality, his
ambitions, and his emotional complexes; the epithets bes-
towed by others, if not created by greedy flatterers, reveal
his assessment in the eyes of others. Whereas the surnames
may often depend on the accident of birth in a given family or
a social group, the personal names are labelled long before
any of the recognisable attributes begin to emerge. The story
of names would have assumed a highly romantic colour if the
names had been assumed by people and had not been thrust
upon them.
The names may not reveal the man, but they do provide
penetrating peeps into his family, his society and his times. The
name-patterns have a vital connexion with the social realities
and cultural values of the group to which they belong. There is
a distinct individuality in them and they reflect in a microscopic
miniature the traditions and values of the people concerned.
Poeple do not take to names in as casual a manner as they are
sometimes taken to do. Of all-the people the Indians seem to
show a much serious concern for the question of names and to
have set down definite rules governing their formation. These
rules are not mere grammatical ones to cover the linguistic
forms of the names. There are prescriptive norms and prohibi-
tive rules in accordance with the socio-cultural traditions and the
advancements made in various fields of knowledge. Not many
Vlli PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
nations of antiquity can claim a parallel progress in this area
of culture. These elaborate rules did not result merely from
the typically Indian genius for systematisation and elaboration
of its fund of knowledge in all spheres. It arose out of a cons-
cious appreciation of the significance of names and their great
relevance for the cultural traditions. The rules about names
prescribed in the grammatical works and the Grhyasutras and
the Smrtis were elaborated in subsequent times and led to the
composition of separate treatises on various aspects and
problems connected with the giving of names.
The names can provide a reliable clue to the understanding
of the socio-cultural life. They can serve as a barometer for
recording the historical realities of culture in a particular period.
A study of the name-patterns can be a useful measuring rod
for a historian; but, it has been rarely used. A name can reveal
the personal equipment of the bestowing parents and also their
emotional concern for their child. Above all, it tells us about
the gods and goddesses and their comparative popularity, the
religious ideas and beliefs current among the people, the social
structure and the differences in the various social groups, and
the realities of the linguistic phenomenon. In view of the
elaborate rules about the grammatical, astronomical, religious
and social considerations, an analysis of the pattern of names
in different historical periods can give us a vital indication of
the extent to which the traditional rules were respected and of
the influences which were introducing changes in the traditional
beliefs and systems.
Considering the rich possibilities in a historical and com-
parative analysis of the name-patterns, it is surprising indeed
that, with a few singular exceptions, historians have not paid
to this area of study the serious attention it deserves. Obviously
this type of study is more demanding in respect of the discip-
lines involved. The historian, who undertakes the work, has to
possess a comprehensive knowledge of different aspects of an
ancient society. He has to combine a knowledge of Sanskrit
grammar and linguistics with a proficiency in palaeography and
competence to handle the original texts bearing on the subject.
Happily Dr. Tej Ram Sharma, one of my early research
scholars, assiduously cultivated the qualities and acquired the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS ix
necessary command over the concerned disciplines. It is gratify-
ing to find that Dr. Sharma has produced a first-rate study on
the subject and has covered himself up with glory.
The study of the Gupta period of Indian history has been
enriched by the contributions of many a competent scholar.
But, without there being any significant addition to the original
sources, some of the many publications have only been
reproducing already well-known material. The approach
adopted in these studies being regularly repetitive has acquired
a chilling monotonousness. Dr. Sharma deserves commenda-
tion for attempting an analysis of the culture of the Gupta
period from an altogether new angle. His fresh approach
has imparted a living warmth to the socio-cultural life of
the period. Dr. Sharma has definitely made signficant improve-
ment upon our understanding of the Classical Age of Indian
history.
In introducing the present study to the world of scholars 1
must express my fervent desire and sincere hope that the pre-
sent publication will be followed by many other scholarly
studies by Dr. Sharma.
Banaras Hindu University, LALLANJI GOPAL
VARANASI, U.P.
Contents
Foreword
Preface
Coded Abbreviations
Code of Inscriptions
Transliteration Table
vn
xiii
xvii
xxiii
xxvii
PART ONE
PERSONAL NAMES
Prologue
Names of the Gupta Kings and Queens
Names of Feudatory Kings and High Officers
Names of Local Officers
Names of Householders and Traders
Names of Brahmanas ; Jainas and Bauddhas
Epic and Puranic Names
Names of Women
Conclusion
3
14
38
56
71
87
96
103
106
Prologue
Tribes
Conclusion
PART TWO
NAMES OF THE TRIBES
121
125
176
PART THREE
NAMES OF PLACES, RIVERS AND MOUNTAINS
Prologue 203
Place-Names and their Suffixes 209
Names of the Rivers and the Mountains 293
Conclusion 305
Xii PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
APPENDICES
I A Note on the King Candra of the Meharaull
Iron Pillar Inscription 309
II A Note on the Name of the Mother of Budha-
gupta and Narasirhhagupta 314
III Explanation of the Passage "Paistapuraka-
Mahendragiri-kautturaka-svamidatta" 316
IV Explanation of the Expression
"Daivaputrasahisahanusahi" 318
V The Rivers of Junagarh 321
Bibliography 324
List of Plates 360
Index 361
MAPS AND PLATES
India in the Gupta Age xxviii
The Rivers of Junagarh 322
Plates Facing page 360
Preface
It may be pointed out at the outset that the inscriptions
included in the list could not be arranged in chronological order
as they were included during the work as and when noticed
and found available. We did not like to disturb the order as
arranged by J.F. Fleet in his Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum,
Vol. Ill and further added to the list the other inscriptions which
he could not include in his work due to their non-availability and
non-publication at the time when he published his work. The
criterion for the selection of the inscriptions and the seals has
been the relevance with the Gupta history and the area suppo-
sed to be under the direct rule of the Guptas.
The present work, to some extent, is a break-away from
the traditional type of research. This work follows the lines set
in by F.T. Wainright and Dr. H.D. Sankalia in their works
Archaeology and place-names and History and Studies in
the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnography of
Gujarat respectively.
Some people may ward off the idea in a name by saying
merely "what is in a name?" But we find even now the people
taking time to give a name to their child. They may even
sometime talk about the justification of the name by the child
which is expressed by a Sanskrit dictum yathd ndma tathd
gunah.
A person is identified by his name by the family members
as well as by others. Man lives with his name in this life and
even after death the name survives. There is a taboo about
the secret name not to be disclosed or made known to others
for fear of sorcery or black-magic or ill-effect by the spirits.
It may also be mentioned that some people may give the
names to their children quite thoughtfully it may be after a
god, a hero, a character from some fiction, while others may
Xiv PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
imitate them without knowing or understanding any meaning or
thought pregnant in the names.
It may be argued whether the names are connotative or not
but who can refuse their cultural significance or their bearing
on the cultural life of society. The bulk of a particular type of
names may signify the preponderance of certain customs or
predominance of some cults and traits in a society. We are
primarily concerned with this factor in our study on the per-
sonal names in the Gupta inscriptions.
In the study of the geographical names we are not only
concerned with their identification but also with their origin,
cultural significance as well as the linguistic changes. The
geographical names may represent the important personages,
social beliefs in a society and its cultural habitat. The present
work aims at the following objectives.
(i) To ascertain the historical facts proved by other evidence;
(ii) To correctly check up certain disputed readings in the
inscriptions;
(iii) To correctly interpret some disputed passages in the
inscriptions;
(iv) To accord a scientific tinge to already known material on
the tribes as well as the place-names in the light of the
new material published through a number of monographs
on the subject.
The works on personal names are very few. In India a work
of the type of Your Baby's name by Maxwell Nurnberg and
Morris Rosenblum, has yet to be carried out, where the original
history of English names has been worked out, statis-
tics are given of its use by estimated number of people and
ranked accordingly and the connotations given along with the
citations from literature. The names for the boys and girls
have also been classified separately.
The present study, originally a doctoral thesis accepted by
the Banaras Hindu University in 1968, seeks to discuss separa-
tely different name-patterns with regard to personal names,
names of tribes, places, rivers and mountains, though in a modest
way. I owe special gratitude to Dr. V.S.PathakoftheGorakhpur
University and Dr.L. Gopal of the Banaras Hindu University,
who helped me through this work. I feel highly obliged to
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS XV
Dr.L. Gopal for writing a Foreword to this book. The award of
a Research Fellowship by the University Grants Commission,
New Delhi which enabled me to complete the dissertation, is
very gratefully acknowledged.
Other scholars who helped me by way of valuable sugges-
tions are :
Dr. A.K. Narain, Dr. H.D. Sankalia, Dr. D.C. Sircar,
Dr. G. C. Pande, Dr. Romila Thapar, Dr A. M. Ghatage,
Dr. M.A Mahendale, Dr. Mantrini Prasad, Dr. Parmanand
Gupta, and Prof.N.K.S. Telang.
The courtesy of the Archaeological Survey of India in
making available photographs reproduced in this book is
gratefully acknowledged.
Lastly, but not the least, I express my sincere thanks to
my wife Brij and daughter Richa who gladly spared me the
time for giving the present shape to the work.
Department of History, TEJ RAM SHARMA
Himachal Pradesh University,
Summer Hill, SIMLA-171005.
July 7, 1978
Coded Abbreviations
To cover a wide range of references we have introduced an
alphabetical plan for abbreviations. We have divided it into
the following six Series :
(I) From A to Z
(tl) A to Z with combination of x.
(III) A to Z with combination of y.
(IV) A to Z with combination of z.
(V) A to Z with combination of g.
(VI) A to Z with combination of J. (for Journals)
During the process of the work, however, we could not avoid
repetition and so as to avoid confusion, we have made use of
numbers l and 2 after the brackets. These inconsistencies are :
1. (Dx) 1 and (Dx) 2 after Dx.
2. (Ox) 1 after Ox.
3. (Zx)i after Zx.
4. (Zy) 1 after Zy.
5. (Kz)i and (Kz) 2 after Kz.
6. (Mg) 1 after Mg.
7. (CJ) 1 after CJ.
8. (XJ)i after XJ.
A Concise Etymological Dictionary by M. Mayrhofer (A)
A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary by T. Burrow and M. B
Emeneau (B)
A History of India. Vol. I by Romila Thapar (C)
A History of the Imperial Guptas by S . R. Goyal (D)
A Volume of Eastern and Indian Studies presented to F. W.
Thomas by S. M. Katre and P. K. Code (E)
XViii PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
An Early History of Vaisdli by Yogendra Mishra (F)
An Introduction to the Study of Indian History by D. D.
Kosambi (G)
Abhidhana-Anusilana by Vidyabhushan Vibhu (H)
Age of the Imperial Guptas by R. D. Baneiji (I)
AlberunVs India by E. C. Sachau (J)
Ancient and Medieval Nepal by D. R. Kegmi (K)
Ancient India by R. C. Majumdar (L)
Ancient Indian Historical Tradition by F. E Pargiter (M)
Ancient Peoples of the Punjab by J. Przyluski (N)
Astadhyayi Prakasika by Devaprakash Patanjala (O)
B. C. Law Volume (P)
Bharatavarsiya Pracina Caritrakosa by Siddheshwar Shastri
Chitrav (Q)
Bharatiya Sikke by Vasudeva Upadhyaya (R)
Buddha-Gaya by R. L. Mitra (S)
Buddhist India by Rhys Davids (T)
Buddhist Records of the Western World by S. Beal (U)
Cambridge History of India, Vol. I (V)
Caste in India by J. H. Hutton (W)
Catalogue of the Coins of Ancient India by John Allan (X)
Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta by
V. A. Smith (Y)
Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasties by John Allan (Z)
Cities of Ancient India by B. N. Puri (Ax)
Concise Semantic Dictionary by E. P. Horrwitz (Bx)
Corporate Life in Ancient India by R. C. Majumdar (Cx)
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Kharosthi Incsrip-
tions by Sten Konow (Dx)
Corpus Inscripionum Indicarum, Vol. Ill by John Faithful Fleet
(Dx)i
Dictionary of Pali Proper Names by G. P. Malalasekera (Dx) 2
District Gazetteer of Gaya by L. S S. O' Malley (Ex)
Early Chauhan Dynasties by D. Sharma (Fx)
Early History of India by V. A. Smith (Gx)
Early History of North India by Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya (Hx)
Economic Life of Northern India in the Gupta Period by S. K.
Maity (Ix)
Ethnic Settlements in Ancient India by S. B. Chaudhuri (Jx)
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS XIX
Ethnography of Ancient India by Robert Shafer (Kx)
Folk Culture Reflected in Names by R. P. Masani (Lx)
Geographical Data in the Early Puranas by M. R. Singh (Mx)
Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India by N. L.
Dey (Nx)
Geography by Strabo (Ox)
Geography of the Puranas by S. M. AH (Ox) 1
Glossary of Castes and Tribes of the Punjab and N. W. F. P,
by H. A. Rose (Px)
Great Epic of India by Hopkins (Qx)
Guptakdllna Mudrain by Ananta Sadashiva Altekar (Rx)
Gupta Samrajya by P. L. Gupta (Sx)
Hindu Castes and Sects by J. N Bhattacharya (Tx)
Hindu Polity by K. P. Jayaswal (Ux)
Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon (ed.) C.H. Philips (Vx)
Historical and Literary Inscriptions by R. B. Pandeya (Wx)
Historical Geography of Ancient India by B. C. Law (Yx)
History of Ancient India by R. S. Tripathi (Zx)
History of Dharmasastra by P. V. Kane (Zx) 1
History of India by K. P. Jayaswal (Ay)
History of Indian Literature by M. A. Winternitz (By)
History of Indian Logic by S. C. Vidyabhusana (Cy)
History of Kosala by V. Pathak (Dy)
History of Nepal by Daniel Wright (Ey)
History of Orissa by R. D. Banerji (Fy)
History of the Pallavas ofKanciby R. Gopalan (Gy)
History of the Punjab, Vol. I (ed.) Fauja Singh and L. M. Joshi
(Hy)
Hymns of the Atharvaveda by L. Bloomfield (ly)
India as Known to Panini by V. S . Agrawala (Jy)
India of the Vedic Kalpasutras by Ram Gopal (Ky)
Indian Epigraphical Glossary by D. C. Sircar (Ly)
Indian Literature by Weber (My)
Iran by R. Ghirshman (Ny)
Krishnaswami Aiyangar Commemoration Volume (Oy)
Madhya Asia ke Kharosthi Abhilekhon Men Jlvana, Smaja
Aura Dharma by Usha Varma (Py)
McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Ptolemy (ed.) S. N.
Mazumdar (Qy)
XX PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Mirashi Felicitation Volume (Ry)
Munshi Indological Felicitation Volume (Sy)
Nirukta ofYaska (Yakska's Nirukta) (ed.) V. K. Rajavade (Ty)
Nirukta-sastram by Bhagvaddatta (Uy)
On Yuan-Chwang" s Travels in India by T. Walters (Vy)
Our Language by Simeon Patter (Wy)
Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo (ed.) V. S. Agrawala and Malvania(Xy)
Pdniniya-Dhdtu-Pdtha-Samiksd by Bhagirath Prasada Tripathi
(Zy)
Political and Social Movements in Ancient Punjab by Buddha
Prakash (Zy) 1
Political History of Ancient India by H. C. Raychaudhuri (Az)
Rajatarahgini-kosa by Ramakumara Rai (Bz)
S.K. Bhuyan Commemoration Volume (Cz)
Saka Studies by Sten Konow (Dz)
Samudragupta, Life and Times by B. G. Gokhale (Ez)
Sanskrit-English Dictionary by Monier Williams (Fz)
Sanskrit-English Dictionary by V. S. Apte (Gz)
Select Inscriptions by D. C. Sircar (Hz)
Selections From Sanskrit Inscriptions by D. B. Diskalkar (Iz)
Siddhdntakaumudl-Arthaprakdsikd by Radharamana Pandeya
(Jz)
Sir Asutosh Memorial Volume (Kz)
Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal by B.C.
Sen (Kz)i
State and Government in Ancient India by A. S. Altekar (Kz) 2
Studies in Ancient Indian History and Culture by U. N. Roy (Lz)
Studies in Indian Coins by D. C. Sircar (Mz)
Studies in the Brdhmanas by A. C. Banerjee (Nz)
Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India by
D. C. Sircar (Oz)
Studies in the Historical and Cultural Geography and Ethnogra-
phy of Gujarat by H. D. Sankalia (Pz)
Systems of Sanskrit Grammar by S. K. Belvalkar (Qz)
The age of Imperial Unity (Rz)
The Ancient Geography of India by Alexander Cunningham (Sz)
The Ancient History of the Near East by H. R. Hall (Tz)
The Book of Ser Marco Polo by Sir Henry Yule (Uz)
The City in Early Historical India by A. Ghosh (Vz)
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS XXI
The Classical Age (Wz)
The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English by H. W.
Fowler and F. G. Fowler (Xz)
The Culture and Civilization of Ancient Indiaby D. D. Kosambi
(Xz)i
The Cultural Heritage of India Vol. I (Yz)
The Early History of Kamariipa by K. L. Barua (Zz)
The Gupta Empire by R. K. Mookerji (Ag)
The Historical Geography and Topography of Bihar by M. S.
Pandey (Bg)
The History of Bengal by R. C. Majumder (Cg)
The Hunas in India by Upendra Thakur (Dg)
The Indian Travels of Appoionius of Tyana by O. D. B. Priaulx
(Eg)
The Indo- Greeks by A. K. Narain (Fg)
The Life of Hiuen Tsang by S. Beal (Gg)
The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language^ S. K.
Chatterji (Hg)
The Periplus of the Erythraen Sea by W. H. Schoff (Ig)
The Purana Index by V. R. R. Dikshitar (Jg)
The Purana Text of the Dynasties of the Kali Age by F. E.
Pargiter (Kg)
The Republican Trends in Ancient Indiaby Shobha Mukerji (Lg)
The Sakas in India by Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya (Mg)
The Sanskrit Language by Burrow (Mg) 1
The Shahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab by D. B. Pandey (Ng)
The Siddhanta-Kaumudi of Bhattoji Dikshita by S. C. Vasu (Og)
The Vakatka-Gupta Age by R. C. Majumdar and A.S. Altekar (Pg)
The Wonder that was India by A. L. Basham (Qg)
Translation of the Atharvaveda by Whitney (Rg)
Tribal-Coins A Study by M. K. Sharan (Sg)
Tribes in Ancient India by B. C Law (Tg)
Vdmana-Purana- A Study by V. S. Agrawala (Ug)
Vedic Index of Names and Subjects by A. A. Macdonell and
A. B. Keith (Vg)
Vergleichandes Worterbuch Der Indogermanischen Sprachen
by Alois Walde (Wg)
Villages, Towns and Secular Buildings in Ancient India by
Amita Ray (Xg)
XXli PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
JOURNALS
Annals of Oriental Research, University of Madras (A J)
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona
(BJ)
Archaeological Survey of India, Annual Reports (C J)
Archaeological Survey of Western India (C J) 1
Bharati, Journal of the College of Indology, Banaras Hindu
University, Varanasi (DJ)
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London
(EJ)
Cultural Forum, Ministry of Eduction, Government of India (FJ)
Epigraphia Indica (GJ)
Indian Antiquary, Bombay (HJ)
Indian Culture, Calcutta (IJ)
Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta (JJ)
Journal Asiatique, Paris (KJ)
Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
Calcutta (L J)
Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Rajamundry
(MJ)
Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna (NJ)
Journal of Gujarat Research Society (O J)
Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum (P J)
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,
Bombay (QJ)
Journal of the Department of Letters, University of Calcutta (R J)
Journal of the Greater India Society (S J)
Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Varanasi (T J)
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland, London (UJ)
Journal of the U. P. Historical Society, Lucknow (V J)
Journal of the Mahakosala Historical Society (W J)
Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India (XJ)
Nagari Pracarini Patrika, Varanasi (X J) 1
Praci-Jyoti, Kurukshetra University Journal (YJ)
Puranam, Ramanagar Fort, Varanasi (ZJ)
\;d *;*;, x Um v ivi
Code of Inscriptions
S. No. Name of the Inscription
1. Allahabad Stone Pillar Inscription of
Samudragupta (=A.D. 335-76)
2. Eran Stone Pillar Inscription of
Samudragupta (=A.D. 335-76)
3. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Candra-
gupta II Gupta Year 82 (A.D. 401)
4. Mathura Stone Inscription of Candra-
gupta II (=A.D. 375-414)
5. Sand Stone Inscription of Candra-
gupta II Gupta Year 93 (A.D. 412)
6. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Candra-
gupta II (=A.D. 375-414)
7. Gadhwa Stone Inscription of Candra-
gupta II Gupta Year 88 (=A.D. 407)
8. Gadhwa Stone Inscription of Kumara-
gupta I (=A.D. 415-455)
9. Gadhwa Stone Inscription of Kumara-
gupta I -Gupta Year 98 (=A.D. 417)
10. Bilsad Stone Pillar Inscription of
Kumaragupta I Gupta Year 96
(=A.D. 415)
11. Mankuwar Buddhist Stone Image Ins-
cription of the time of Kumaragupta I
Gupta Year 129 (=A.D. 448)
12. Bihar Stone Pillar Inscription of Skanda-
gupta (A.D. 455-67)
Reference
(Dx)i, p. 1 ;
Hz. p. 262
(Dx)i,p. 18;
Hz. p 268
(Dx),i p.21 ;
Hz. p. 279
(Dx)i,p.25
(Dx)i,p. 29;
Hz. p. 280
(Dx)i,p.34;
Hz. pp. 279-
80
(Dx)i, p. 36
(Dx)i, p. 39
(Dx)i, p. 40
(Dx)i,p. 42;
Hz. 285
(Dx)i,p.45;
Hz. p. 294
(Dx)i,p.47;
Hz. p. 325
xx iv PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
13. Bhitarl Stone Pillar Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p.52;
Skandagupta (=A.D. 455-67) Hz. p. 321
14. Junagarh Rock Inscription of Skanda- (Dx) 1 , p. 56;
gupta Gupta Years 136, 137 and 138 Hz. p. 307
(=A.D. 455, 456 and 457).
15. Kahaum Stone Pillar Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p 65;
Skandagupta Gupta Year 141 (=A.D. Hz. p. 316
460)
16. Indore Copper-plate Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p. 68,
Skandagupta Gupta Year 146 (=A,D. Hz. p. 318
465)
17. Mandasor Stone Inscription mentioning (Dx) 1 , p.79;
Kumaragupta I and Bandhuvarman Hz. p. 298
Malava Years 493 and 529 (=A.D. 436
and 473)
18. Eran Stone Pillar Inscription of (Dx) 1 , p.89;
Budhagupta Gupta Year 165 (=A.D. Hz. p. 334
484)
19. Eran Posthumous Iron Pillar Inscription (Dx) 1 , p.91;
(of Goparaja) of the time of Bhanu- Hz. p. 345
gupta Gupta Year 191 (A.D. 510)
20. Meharauli Posthumous Iron Pillar Ins- (Dx) 1 ,p.l39;
cription of Candra Hz. p. 283
21. Spurious Gaya Copper-plate Inscrip- (Dx) 1 ,p.254;
tion of Samudragupta Year 9 Hz. p. 272
22. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of the time (Dx) 1 , p.258
of Kumaragupta I Gupta Year 106
(=A.D. 425)
23. Sanci Stone Inscription of the time of (Dx) 1 ,p.260
Kumaragupta I Gupta Year 131
(=A.D. 450)
24. Mathura Stone Image Inscription of (Dx) 1 ,p.262
the time of Skandagupta Gupta Year
135 (=A.D. 454-5)
25. Gadhwa Inscription of the time of (Dx) 1 , p. 264
Kumaragupta I
26. Kosam Stone Image Inscription of (Dx) 1 ,p.266
Maharaja Bhimavarman Gupta Year
139(=A.D.458)
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
XXV
27. Gadhwa Stone Inscription Gupta Year (Dx) 1 , p.267
148 (=A.D. 467)
28. Paharpur Copper-plate Inscription of GJ.XX, p.62;
the Gupta Year 159 (=A.D. 478) S.I. p. 359
29. Dhanaidaha Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XVII,
(of the time of Kumaragupta I) p. 347; Hz.
Gupta Year 113 (=A.D. 432) p. 287
30. Tumain Fragmentary Inscription of GJ. XXVI,
the time of Kumaragupta I and p. 117; Hz.
Ghatotkacagupta Gupta Year 116 p. 297
(=A"D. 435)
31. Mathura Jain Inscription of Kumara- GJ. II, p. 210
gupta IGupta Year 113 (=A.D. 432)
32. Mandasor Stone Inscription of the GJ. XXVII,
time of Prabhakara-Malava (Vikrama) p. 15; Hz.
year 524 (=A.D. 467) p. 406
33. Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p.
of the time of Budhagupta Gupta 135; Hz.
Year 163 (=A.D.482) p. 332
34. Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p.
of the time of Kumaragupta I Gupta 130 ; Hz.
Year 124 (=A.D. 443) p. 290
35. Damodarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p.
of the time of Kumaragupta I Gupta 133; Hz.
Year 128 (=A.D. 448) p. 292
36. Damcdarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p.
of the time of Budhagupta 138; Hz.
(=A.D. 476-94) p. 336
37. Damadarpur Copper-plate Inscription GJ. XV, p.
of the Gupta Year 224 (= A.D. 543) 142; Hz. p. 346
38. Nalanda Seal of Visnugupta GJ. XXVI, p.
239; Hz. p. 340
39. Karamdanda Stone Linga Inscription GJ. X. p. 71;
of the time of Kumaragupta I Gupta Hz. p. 289
Year 117 (=A.D. 436)
40. Spurious Nalanda Copper-plate Ins- GJ. XXV, p.
cription of Samudragupta Year 5 50 Hz. p. 227
41. Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candra- GJ. XXI, p. 8;
gupta II Regnal Year 5, Gupta Year Hz. p. 227
XXVI
PERSONAL AND GECGRAFtilCAL NAMS
61 ( = A.D. 380)
42. Basarh Clay Seal of Govindagupta
43. Kalaikuri Sultanpur Copper-plate
Inscription of the Gupta Year 120
(=A.D. 439)
44. Baigram Copper-plate Inscription of the
Gupta Year 120 (=A.D. 439)
45. Basarh Clay Seal of Ghatotkacagupta
46. Supia Stone Pillar Inscription of the
time of Skandagupta Gupta Year 141
(=A. D. 460)
47. Nalanda Clay Seal of Narasirhhagupta
48. Sarnath Buddhist Stone Inscription of
Kumaragupta II
49. Bhitarl Inscribed Copper-Silver Seal of
Kumaragupta III
50. Nalanda Baked Clay Seal of Kumara-
gupta II
5 1 . Nalanda Seal of Vainyagupta
52. Gunaighar Copper-plate Inscription of
Vainyagupta Gupta Year 188 (=A. D.
507)
53. Nalanda Seal of Budhagupta
54. Sarnath Buddhist Stone Image Inscrip-
tion of Budhagupta Gupta Year 157
(=A. D. 476)
55. VaranasI Pillar Inscription of the time
of Budhagupta Gupta Year 1 59 (= A.D.
478)
CJ. 1903-4,
p. 107
JJ. XIX, p.
21; Hz. p.
352
GJ. XXI, p.
81; Hz. p.
355
CJ. 1903-4,
p. 107
GJ. XXXIII,
Part 8, p. 308;
Hz. p. 317
JJ. XIX, p.
273; Xj. No.
66, p. 65
CJ. 1914-15,
p. 124
LJ. LVIII,
p. 89
XJ. No. 66,
p. 66
XJ. No. 66,
p. 67
JJ.VI,p.63;
Hz. p. 340
JJ. XIX, p.
119; Hz. p.
339
CJ. 1914-15,
pp. 124-25;
Hz. p. 332
LJ. XV,
1949, p. 5;
Hz. p. 332
Transliteration Table
VOWELS
3T
a
SIT a
^
1
3
u
& u
^
r
<s
e
ai
3ft
3f
aril
sr: ah
CONSONANTS
au
k
*r kh *r
g ^
* gh
T; n
c
^9 ch ^
j '
IT jh
^ n
t
5 th s
d '
5 dh
l ^
t
* th ?
d J
* dh
1 n
P
<* Ph ^
b i
T bh
*r m
y
T r ^r
1 <
J V
9T
s
*T S f
h
ks
?r tra sr
jn
INDIA IM THE GUPTA AGE
LOCATION OF PLACES
TRIBES (written o) KURD
MOUNTAINS 4
RIVERS -^C
PART ONE
PERSONAL NAMES
Prologue
Nominal languages, such as the Greenlandish and the
Nauhatt, represent the earliest stage in the development of
linguistic structures. They consisted mostly of the object-
words, which denoted the objects and also action and quality.
In the nominal languages, object-words (names) emerged out
of proper names. In the early stages of a language, the first
words are names, and all names are primarily proper names.
Generic names, like man, animal and tree, evolve later and
abstractions, like courage, ferocity, and greenness, later still. 1
A proper name is a symbol pointing to one and only one
person, or place. Primitive man felt that the relationship
between name and thing was close and intimate. This fraction
formed the basis for rituals pertaining to propitiation and
incantation. The mishandling of a name in speech might imply
insult or may result in injury to the bearer of the name. 2
Even in regard to generic names we have to keep certain
limitations in view. Yaska states that we find convenience in
restricting the use of words otherwise they may bring about
confusion. 3
A personal name consists of a surname and that part of
name which is variously called as the first name or the Christian
name. Surname consists of the Caste-suffix or Gotra, Pravara
and Sakha. Sometimes it may consist of Gotra or family
appellation alone. Many surnames are derived from the
principal professions the people followed or the crafts they
practised, and in the majority of cases, are still engaged in.
Some surnames give clue to the original habitat of a people,
even though they have migrated elsewhere. Others point to
the ethnic groups a people belonged. Thus surnames are
important from Historical, Cultural, and Ethnological point of
view.
First names are primarily devised to denote 4 and not to
connote, though at times fortuitously denotation may be
4 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
identical with connotation. 5 Nevertheless, they reflect beliefs,
aspirations, cultural atmosphere and level of education of
family, head of the family or society. It is not necessary that
the names befit a thing or person as soon as it is born. Some
names are given to them after noticing their actions. Bilvdda
and Lambacudaka were the names of certain birds current in
Yaska's time ; Amara does not mention them. The bird Bilvdda
is so called on account of its habit of eating a certain fruit
some time after its birth. In the case of Lambacudaka
its long crest comes into existence long after its birth and
yet it is called Lambacudaka* The first part of the names of
persons generally consists of certain deities, constellations,
abstract things or other objects of nature. They are with or
without a name-ending suffix.
We can study personal names with respect to time, place
and society. A certain society will not change its naming-
pattern even after the change of place. From the frequency of
a particular name in a particular region we know of the
religion, culture and the philosophy of life of the people of a
certain region. Vidyabhushan has quoted some lengthy names
giving full particulars of the persons. 7
Now we shall briefly review the principles of naming a
person as prescribed by the Dharmasastras and grammarians.
We may classify the literary data about naming into four
distinct periods 8 :
1. Vedic period
2. Sutra period
3. Smrti period
4. Nibandha period
VEDIC PERIOD
In the Vedic period usually two names were given to a
person, one of which was a secret name, known to the parents
only. Instances of persons having three or four names are also
found. Throughout the Vedic literature the names given to a
person were his own secular name and one or more other
names derived either from his father's or grandfather's name,
or from his Gotra or from a locality or from the name of his
mother.9 It is not quite clear from the Vedic literature how the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 5
secret name known only to the parents was given. Hardly any
secret name except that of Indra as Arjiina is known from the
Vedic literature. 10 It is to be noted that the rule as to giving the
designation of a Naksatra as the secret name or otherwise is
not illustrated by a single recorded name of a teacher in the
Brahmanas. 11 The Satapatha Brahmana several times mentions
the adoption of a second name with a view to securing success,
and also refers to the adoption of another name for purposes
of distinction. 12
SUTRA PERIOD
The Grhya-sutras provide us details about the name-giving
ceremony, the secret name, the common name, the abhivada-
mya name, the quality of the name as well as the formation of
the names of the boys and girls.
Name-giving ceremony
The Sarikhayana 13 and the Paraskara 14 Grhya-sutras pres-
cribe the name-giving ceremony to be performed on the tenth
day after the birth of the child but usually the Grhya-sutras
recommend its performance after ten nights have elapsed. 15
The Grhya-sutras consider the first ten days after the birth of
the child as of impurity. Hence it is prescribed by the Hiran-
yakesin 16 that on the twelfth day the mother and son take a
bath, the house is made clean, the Siitikagni is taken away and
the Aupasanagni is established. Having put wood on that fire,
and having performed the rites down to the vyahrti oblations,
they sacrifice twelve oblations with the verses, "May Dhatri
give us wealth" ; according to some (teachers they make)
thirteen (oblations). This, O Varuna 'Hail, good luck ?' Then
let the father give the name to the child.
The Gobhila Grhya-sutra is very liberal with regard to the
performance of the name-giving ceremony as it says, "When
ten nights have elapsed after (the child's) birth, or a hundred
nights, or one year, the Namadheyakarana (or giving a name
to the child) is performed". 17 Gobhila 18 details the ceremony
as follows : He who is going to perform that ceremony, the
father or a representative of the father, sits down to the west
of the fire on northward-pointed Darbka grass, facing the east.
O PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Then the mother, having dressed the son in a clean garment,
hands him, from south to north, with his face turned to the
north, to the performer of the ceremony. She then passes
behind his back and sits down to the north of him, on north-
ward pointed Darbha grass. He then sacrifices to Prajapati, to
the Tit hi of the Child's birth, to the Naksatra of the child's
birth, and to the presiding deity of that Tithi and of that Naksatra.
He then murmurs theM<7/?/ra,"Who art thou?What art thou?,
touching the sense-organs at the boy's head. In the passage of
the Mantra : "Enter upon the month that belongs to Ahaspati
(i.e., the lord of the days), N.N." After this the performer of
the rite should first announce the child's name to the mother. 19
Further the sacrificial fee of a cow is recommended. 20
Paraskara, 21 however, makes this ceremony very simple
when it states, "On the tenth day (after the birth of the child)
the father, having made (his wife) get up, and having fed the
brahmanas, gives a name to the child".
The Secret Name
The secret name is given to the child immediately after the
birth of the child or even before when the rite for quick
delivery is to be performed. As prescribed by the Gobhila
Grhya-sutra, the father pronounces a name in the formula :
"A male will be born, such-and-such by name" ; and the name
is kept secret. 22 Apastamba 23 prescribes that the father gives
the name to the new-born child soon after his birth. This is a
Naksatra name and is secret. The Khadira Grhya-sutra 24 also
prescribes that the secret name should be given immediately
after the birth of the child. Sankhayana 25 prescribes the giving
of the secret name by the father after feeding the new-born
child with a mixture of butter, honey, milk-curds and water,
or grind together rice and barley, from a golden vessel or with
a golden spoon. The Hiranyakesin Grhya-sutra, 26 however,
prescribes that on the twelfth day itself, the father should give
the child two names out of which the second name should be a
Naksatra name. The one name should be secret and by the
other they should call him.
This means that according to Hiranyakesin the secret name
may not essentially be a Naksatra name.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 7
The Common Name
A common name or a name for public use is given to the
child after the tenth day at the time of the performance of the
name-giving ceremony. Saiikhayana 27 prescribes that the name
should be pleasing to the brahmanas.
The Abhivadanlya Name
The Asvalayana Grhya-sutra 28 prescribes that along with
the common name, the father may also find out for the child,
a name to be used at respectful salutations, such as that due
to the Acarya at the ceremony of initiation ; that name only
his mother and father should know till his initiation. While
the Gobhila Grhya-sutra 29 prescribes that the abhivadanlya
name should be given by the teacher when the student comes
for study. The teacher chooses for him a name which he is to
use at respectful salutations a name derived from the name of
a deity or a Naksatra. Or also of his Gotra, according to some
teachers.
The Quality of the Name
All the Grhya-sutras unanimously agree that the name of
the son should begin with a sonant, 30 with a semi-vowel in it,
with a long vowel or the visarga at the end, and formed with a
krta suffix and it should not contain a taddhita suffix with an
even number 31 of syllables. 32 The Asvalayana Grhya-sutra
says that the name should consist of two, or of four syllables.
Of two syllables, if he is desirous of firm position ; of four
syllables, if he is desirous of holy lustre ; but in every case
with an even number of syllables for men. 33
The Grhya-sutras of Apastamba 34 and Hiranyakesin, 35 on
the authority of a Brahmana, prescribe the option of a name
containing the particle su, for such a name has a firm found-
ation. Paraskara adds further that the name of a brahmana
should end in Barman, that of a ksatriya in Varman and that of
a vaisya in Gupta.^ Hiranyakesin 37 prescribes two names for a
brahmana desirous of success. The second name should be a
Naksatra name. The one name should be secret and by the
other the parents should call the child. He further prescribes
8 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
that the father should give him the name Somayajin i.e.,
performer of soma sacrifices, as his third name. 38
The name derived from the deity or Naksatra was permit-
ted using god's name but directly using god's name as the name
of an individual was forbidden. 39 The name of the father was
to be avoided but the child could be given the name of one of
his ancestors. 40
The Names of the Girls
While some Grhya-sutras 41 are silent about the names of
the girls, others 42 prescribe some rules for framing their names
as well :
(i) The name of a girl should have an odd number of
syllables. 43
(ii) It should end in a, with a taddhita suffix. 44
(in) It should end in da^
(iv) Apastamba 46 says that girls who have the name of a
Naksatra, or of a river, or of a tree, are objectionable.
This finds an echo later in the Manu-Smrti where the girls
bearing such names are forbidden for marriage. 47
0) The Apastamba Grhya-sutra 48 also states that all girls
in whose names the last letter but one is r or /, one
should avoid in wooing.
(vi) The name of a girl should not end in dattd or raksitd
preceded by the name of a deity; etc. 49
We find some distinguishing characteristics between the
names of the boys and the girls. The names of the boys are
prescribed to end in visarga while of the girls with a or da.
The names of the boys are ordained to end with a krta suffix
while of the girls with a taddhita suffix. But the rules prohibi-
ting certain kinds of names for girls were frequently violated
or continued to be violated as is evident from numerous such
examples in literature.
SMRTI PERIOD
Manu simplifies the system and lays down the following
four simple rules :
(/) A name should be given to a child on the 10th or 12th
day on a pious date, Muhurta or Naksatra.^
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 9
(//) The name of a brahmana should be indicative of
mangala, of a ksatriya strength, of a vaisya wealth
and of sudra lowness. 51
(in) To the name of a brahmana an upapada (suffix) should
be joined indicating sarman (happiness or blessing) ; of
a king an upapada connected with protection ; of a
vaisya indicating prosperity and of a sudra indicating
dependence or service. 52
(iv) The names of women should be easily pronounced,
clear, charming, auspicious, ending in long vowel and
should be full of blessings. 53
Manu omits the elaborate rules about giving a name in the
case of males, and does not make any reference to the Naksatra
name or abhivadanlya name given to a boy.
NIBANDHA PERIOD
The Mitaksara, a commentary on the Yajnavalkya Smrti,
quotes Sankha, who says that a father should give to his son a
name connected with a family deity. 54
There is another way of deriving names from Naksatras.
In some of the medieval Jyotisa works, each of the 27
Naksatras is divided into four padas, and to each pada of a
Naksatra a specific letter is assigned (e.g. cu, ce, co, and la for
the four padas of Asvim) from which a person born in a
particular pada of Asvini was called Cudamani, Cedlsa, Colesa,
or Laksmana. 55 These names are called Naksatra-nama; they
are secret and muttered into the ear of the brahmacarin at his
upanayana even now. Even so late a work as the Dharma-
sindhu (A.D. 1790) disapproves of names, not warranted by the
Smrtis.
Now we consider the views of grammarians on naming a
person.
Panini divides the names into four principal classes. 56
(1) Gotra names mentioned in Chapter 4, pada 1 of the
Astadhyayl, e.g. Gargya.
(2) Patronymics, e.g. Upagu's son called Aupagava
(Tasyapatyam, IV. 1.92).
(3) Names derived from localities, where a person or his
ancestors lived.
10 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
(4) Personal names proper (V.3.78,84; V.3.65 ; VI 2.106;
VI.2.159; Vl.2.165).
Patafijali in his Mahabhasya mentions Panini by matro-
nymic. 57
He says that parents name their child some days after his
birth just as Devadatta and Yajnadatta and as a result other
people also know him by the same name. 58
The Angavijja, 59 a work generally placed in the third
century, has much useful material about names. The 26th
chapter of this work is devoted to proper names. The general
rules prescribed for naming the persons are as follows :
The names of men were formed from gottandma, ayandma
(constellations), kamma (profession), sarira (body) karana
(office). 60 Under aya are quoted the examples kinnaka, kata-
raka, chadditaka. Sarira names are qualitative. They are sanda
(bull), vikada (terrible), kharada (lowest), khallada(ba\d), vipina
(forest). 6 *
The friendly names ended with the suffixes nandi, nanda,
dinna, nandaka and nandika**
The names indicating defects of the body are khandasisa
(broken head), kana (blind of one eye), pillaka (discarded),
kujja (hunchback), vdmanaka (dwarf), kuvi(ni)ka (lame),
sabala (spotted), khanja (lame), and vadabha (distorted). 63
Proper names were also formed on the basis of complexion,
fair complexion being designated as avaddtaka, seda and sedila\
light black as sama, sdmali and sdmaka-sdmald, and black as
kdlaka and kdlikd.
Names based on beauty of the human body are : sumuha
(handsome), sudamsana (pleasing personality), suruva (beauti-
ful), jala (well-born), and sugata (pleasing gait).
The names based on age are : bdlaka (child), daharaka
(boy), majjhima (middle-aged), thavira-thera (old). 64
The following endings of proper names are mentioned :
tata, ddtta, dinna, tnitta, gutta, bhuta pdla, pdli, samma, ydsa,
rdta, ghosa, bhdnu, viddhi, nandi, nanda, mdna, uttard, pdlita,
rakhi, nandana, nandaka, and sahitamahaka.^.
REFERENCES
1. Wy. p. 142.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 11
2- Cf . cnfopfcT ftr^T, ^ft 52
fawiw^ft
n
Vrtra himself was killed while tryirg to kill Indra with the help of a
mantra. This all happened due to the mistake of the chanter of the hymn
in accent.
In "zrt^ra: FfTcfrsqRnTTrT'' the word "^sw:" if accented on the first
word becomes srpftff *r*TRT otherwise a flcj^r *r*TRr if accented finally.
In the hymn ^-amd^sre? i.e. the slayer (Satrii) of Indra should get victory,
by mistake the brahmanas chanted it with the accent on the first word
which entirely changed its meaning as 'He should be victorious, who has
Indra as slayer (satrii).
3. Ty, pp. 263-64 :
All sorts of people are found planing wood occasionally; but the name
'taksan' (from ^7/0^= to plane wood) is applied to those only who make
a profession of planing wood or carpentering. Beggars wander about and
yet they are not called parivrajaka (one who moves here and there); the
term is used only for those who embrace the fourth religious order.
Jivanah literally means one that lives; so anything that lives may be called
Jlvana but water of sugarcane or a kind of vegetable alone is called
Jivana. The word bhumija refers to the planet Mars though multitudes of
things are born of the earth.
4. Mahabhasya Vol. I, p. 38; See note 58 also.
5. Cf. H. p. 14.
We find in the Nama-siddhi-jataka-gatha (No. 67) that a person named
Papaka who was in search of good name came back to his house dis-
appointed seeing Jlvaka as dead, finding Dhanapala in poor condition and
noticing Panthaka roaming about in woods.
J^RFTcft ll"
6. Yaska's Nirukta (ed. V.K. Rajavade), Ty., p. 266.
7. H. p. 16.
See also .Lx pp. 40-47.
8. H-D. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 100-104.
P.V. Kane, "Naming a Child or a person", JJ, XIV, pp. 224-44.
9. Vg., Vol. I, p. 444.
10. Satapatha, II. 1.2.11.
11. Vg. pp. 443-44.
12. Ibid., p. 444.
13. I. 24.6.
14. I. 17.1.
15. Apastamba VI. 15.7-8; Hiranyakesin II. 1.4, 6; Gobhila II. 8.8.
16. II ? 1,4, 6-10.
17. Gobhila, II, 8-8.
18. Ibid., II. 8. 9-14.
19. Ibid., 11.8. 17.
12 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
20. Ibid., II. 8. 18.
21. I. 17.1.
22. Gobhila Grhya-Sutra II, 7, 15; Ram Gopal, Ky., pp. 265 and 273.
23. VI. 15.2-3.'
24. II, 2, 30-31.
25. 1.24. 3-6.
26. II. 1, 4, 12-14.
27. 1.24.6.
28.1.15.8.
29. II. 10.23-25.
30. Sonants (Ghosa) are the 3rd, 4th and 5th letters of the five classes
from ^ff to q^if and q-, r, T, *T.
31. An even number means divisible by two i.e. two or four or six or
eight etc.
32. Gobhila Grhya-Sutra, II. 8, 14-15.
Hiranyakesin Grhya-Sutra II, I, 4, 10: Sankhayana Grhya-Sutra I. 24.4;
Paraskara Grhya-Sutra. I. 17.2; Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra. I. 15.4-7;
Apastamba Grhya-Sutra. VI. 15.9.
33. Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra. I. 15. 4-7.
34. VI. 15.10.
35. II. 1,4.10.
36. Paraskara Grhya-Sutra. 1.17.4.
37. Hiranyakesin Grhya-Sutra, II. I, 4, 12-14.
38. Ibid., II, I, 4, 15.
39. Manava Grhya-Sutra, 1.18., 1-2.
40. Ram Gopal, Ky., p. 274.
41. Hiranyakesin, Sankhayana etc.
42. Asvalayana, Paraskara, Apastamba etc.
43. Apastamba Grhya-Sutra VI. 15.11; Paraskara Grhya-Sutra 1.17.3;
Asvalayana Grhya-Sutra I. 15.7.
44. Paraskara Grhya-Sutra. I. 17.3.
45. Gobhlia Grhya-Sutra, II. 8.16.
46. Apastamba Grhya-Sutra, I, 3, 12.
47. ^STcfsrfT^t'TF'ff H'IT^H <f cRlfn =t> i +^ I
T TSzrfirsNiTTSTf *l ^ ^PWfWlTT ll T^jfa 3 IS..
48. I. 3.13.
49. Varaha Grhya-Sutra, III. 3. as quoted by Ram Gopal, op. cit.
p. 275.
50.
51. Manu Smrti, 2.31 :
i
II
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
52. Ibid., 2.32
9T 3FT
53. Ibid., 2.33
13
, II
54. H.D. Sankalia, Pz., p. 104.
55. P.V. Kane, JJ., XIV, p. 238.
56. V.S. Agrawala, Jy., p. 182.
TT^T^m^ on qrfarftr I. 1.20 (Vol. I, p. 75)
58. Vide ^T^T^T Vol. I, p. 38.
Kane, JJ., XIV, 1938, p. 243.
59. *rf?T gTjzrfo^
60. Ibid., p. 152 : ^
1. iftrnrmt^, 2
61. Ibid., p. 152.
62. Ibid., p. 152, VS. 1-2.
63. Ibid., p. 153 : ^
3.
64. Ibid., p. 153 : STF^
65. Ibid., p. 153.
, 1957
, c ^srr
^f, 4.
Names of the Gupta Kings
and Queens
NAMES OF THE GUPTA KINGS
All Gupta kings excepting Ghatotkaca have the surname
'gupta' at the end. Before taking up the names of individual
Gupta kings we may discuss the significance of the term
'gupta'. Does it signify the family (a vaisya family) or the
predecessor of the family ?
In the inscriptions, Sri Gupta appears as the founder of the
dynasty. His name is always given first in the dynastic table. 1
Moreover, we find in the Udayagiri Cave inscription, of the
year 106 2 the wording "Guptanvyanam nrpasattamanam rajye"
(in the reign of the family of the best of kings, belonging to
the Gupta lineage) which shows that all these kings belonged
to a family which was founded by the above Gupta ; hence
they were called Guptas. 3
In Sri Gupta '&*' is an honorific term as in the case of other
Gupta emperors mentioned in the inscriptions. 4 Had the name
of the first king been 'Sri Gupta', it would have been mention-
ed as Sri Sri Gupta 5 as we find in the case of the name of
Srlmati in the Deo-Barnark Inscription of Jlvitagupta II. 6 If
we accept that Gupta was the name of the first king of the
family we may dismiss the possibility of the Gupta ending
signifying a surname.
Now the question arises why the family was named after
this Gupta ? In many cases families are named after some
important person born therein, and when once a family is so
named, the tradition is maintained even though the successors
may reach much higher positions. Prior to this the family
might not have attained any significant status. For the first
time this Gupta got the status of a Maharaja as is mentioned
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
15
in the Gupta inscriptions, 7 the status remained unchanged in
the second generation, and from the third generation the Gupta
kings became Maharajadhirajas. Literally, Maharaja means a
great king. But the apparent and deliberate differentiation in
the status of the earlier and later kings suggests that the poli-
tical status of this Gupta was not much high in his own times. 8
Probably he was only a feudal chief and not an independent
king.
The name Gupta is so short that it looks suspiciously queer.
But we must point out that the first part has not been lost or
damaged in the inscription. Palaeographically it is quite
categorical that the name is Gupta, there is no loss or damage
of syllables.
In ordinary life in all societies we find the convenient
tendency to drop one part of the name. We address a person
by the purvapada or the uttarapada whichever is convenient to
us. By the passage of time that name becomes his popular
name. In some cases even his original name may be forgotten.
In our own case Gupta may have been the uttarapada of the
name of the first king by which he may have been generally
known. The name Gupta was probably very popular, so much
so that the dynasty itself was named after it.
The practice of shortening the names is not known in the
Vedic times ; it is noticed by Panini and seems to have been
fashionable in the times of Katyayana and Patanjali. 9 Several
examples of it are also met with in the Buddhist literature.
In modern historical usage Sri has become so much asso-
ciated with the name of the first king of the Gupta dynasty
that it has become a real part of his name generally written as
'Sri Gupta'.
The psychology behind it may be that the use of the
smaller names sounds queer and it is brought at par with
other names in the dynasty, e.g. Candragupta, Samudragupta,
Kumaragupta, etc.
V.A. Smith 10 suggests that this name was not simply Gupta,
but Srigupta, implying thereby that Sri is an integral part of
his name, not the honorific prefix. Fleet 11 has thoroughly
refuted all his arguments and we may not discuss them here.
Some corroborative evidence for the historicity of Sri
16 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Gupta is afforded by two seals of which one is in Prakrit and
gives the legend 'Gautasyc? while the other is in Sanskrit and
has the reading '$ri Guptasya\ It is most probable that these
seals belong to the founder of the Gupta dynasty, especially
the Sanskrit Seal. 12
The dynastic name is derived from the termination Gupta
of each king's personal name, showing that the line had no
respectable origin as clan, tribe, or caste. 13
The word 'Gupta' is derived from \/g u P to protect. 14 The
Visnu Purana 15 says "(The termination) sarman is prescribed
for a brahmana ; varman belongs to a ksatriya ; (and) a name
characterised by gupta and dasa is approved of in the case of
(respectively) a vaisya and a sudra". The commentary in the
Bombay edition gives as examples, Somasarman, Indravarman,
Candragupta, and Sivadasa. 16 The Manavadharmasastra 17
also lays down a similar rule without specifying the termina-
tions. On the basis of these authorities, it has been suggested
that the Early Guptas were not of a high caste, being at best
vaisyas, and hence felt pride in their matrimonial alliance with
the Licchavis. 18
But we find that the rules regarding the naming of persons
prescribed in the Dharmasastras were not always strictly
followed. To give only a few examples the name of the well
known astronomer, Brahmagupta, a brahmana, ended in
'Gupta' 19 and likewise Dasavarman is the name of a brahmana,
in line 36 of the Nerur grant of Vijayaditya (dated Saka-sarhvat
627). 2
We know of the names of the kings ending in Gupta as
early as second century B.C. from the records of the excava-
tions and explorations conducted in Central India. 21 It may
be noted from Talagund stone pillar inscription of the time of
Santivarman (A.D. 455-70) 22 that the grandson of a brah-
mana king Mayurasarman was named as Kaku(ut)stha varman.
Thus on consideration no weightage can be given to the word
'gupta' denoting a Vaisya class.
In this context we must note that Prabhavatlgupta, the
daughter of Candragupta II and chief queen of the Vakataka
king Rudrasena II describes herself as belonging to the
Dharana gotra in her Poona and Rithpur copper plate inscrip-
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
17
tions. 23 Dharana is clearly the gotra of her father, as the gotra
of her husband is specifically mentioned as 'Visnuvrddha' in
the Chammak copper plate inscription of Pravarasena II. 24
This Dharana gotra has been variously interpreted by
scholars.
Jayaswal takes it to stand for Dhanri, a Jat clan found in
Amritsar, and on the basis of the Kaumudimahotsava he
concludes that Candragupta I was a Karaskara or Kakkarjat.^
This view has been supported by Gokhale. 26
Jayaswal emphasizes the similarity between the name of the
Dharanlya jats in Ganganagar district of Rajasthan and the
Dharana gotra of the Guptas. 27 Candragomin's grammatical
il lustration "ajayat jarto Hunan" (The jarta or Jat king defeated
the Hunas) has also been interpreted by Jayaswal to refer to
the Gupta ruler Skandagupta's victory over the Hunas. 28 Thus
the jat origin of the Guptas has been a favourite thesis of
Jayaswal.
According to Raychaudhuri the Dharana gotra of the
Guptas suggests that they were related to DharinI, the chief
queen of Agnimitra Sunga. 29 This view is untenable. The
similarity in the two names is not sufficient to establish the
origin of the Dharna gotra.
On the basis of the evidence of the Skandapurana Dashrath
Sharma 30 says that Dharana was a gotra of the brahmanas of
Dharmaranya, a tract in the present Mirzapur district of
Eastern Uttar Pradesh. But Sharma is not ready to accept
that the Guptas were brahmanas, he considers them to be
either ksatriyas or vaisyas who adopted the gotra of their
gurus, as sanctioned by the laws of the Smrtis and the
Dharmasutras. 31
But Goyal 32 considers the Guptas to be brahmanas. He
relies on the evidence of their matrimonial alliances :
We find that Prabhavatlgupta, the daughter of Candragupta
II was married to the brahmana king Rudrasena II. 33 Kadamba
king Kaku(ut)sthavarman who was a brahmana says that he
married one of his daughters to a Gupta king. 34 Buddhist
scholar Paramartha (A.D. 600) says that Baladitya, the Gupta
king, married his sister to Vasurata, a brahmana by caste. 35
According to the Mandasor inscription of Yas*odharman
18 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Bhanugupta (most probably a daughter of the Gupta king
Bhanugupta) was the 'wife of a certain Raviklrtti, evidently a
brahmana, who was the grandfather of Dharmadosha, the
minister of Yasodharman. 36
Thus, we see that three of the Gupta princesses were married
to brahmanas. 37 There is only one instance of the Guptas
marrying a daughter of a Kadamba king, who was a
brahmana. 38
It is to be noted that matrimonial alliances played a signifi-
cant part in the foreign policy of the Guptas. Candragupta I
rose to power by marrying the Licchavi princess Kumaradev!
and Samudragupta accepted the offers of daughters from his
feudatories. Thus, marriages with the most powerful and dis-
tinguished royal families in different parts of India continued
to be an important policy of the Guptas. 39
Hence, the matrimonial alliances of the Guptas seem to
have sprung from political considerations. 40 Politically the
Kadambas were no match for the Guptas. It may be inferred
that it was on account of political pressures or as a matter of
pride for the Kadambas that they had married their daughter
to the Gupta king. We can explain all the matrimonial allian-
ces of the Guptas even without bringing political reasons in the
picture. As we know, intercaste marriages, especially of the
anuloma type, have been permitted by the Smrtis. In three out
of the four cases Gupta princesses were married to brahmana
bridegrooms. If these are taken to have been anuloma
marriages Guptas could have belonged to any of the remaining
three varnas. It is only the marriage of a Kadamba princess
with a Gupta king which requires the Guptas to have been
brahmanas, otherwise it will be a case of a pratiloma marriage.
The Guptas do not mention their caste in any of their
records. Had they been brahmanas they must have been proud to
refer to it, especially because they were staunch supporters of
Hinduism. We find a parallel in the case of Pala kings of
Bengal who are silent about their caste since they were
Buddhists.
Finally Candragupta I agreed to have a joint coinage with
the Licchavis after his marriage with the Licchavi princess
Kumaradevl. Had the Gupta kings been brahmanas, they
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 19
would not have agreed to have a joint coinage (bearing the
legend 'Licchavayah\ the Licchavis) with the Licchavis who
were Vratya ksatriyas. 41 Even if the Guptas had agreed for a
joint coinage as a political matter, they might have objected
the word ' Licchavayak' on the coins. More astonishing is the
fact that even the name of the Guptas is not linked with the
legend 'Licchavayah'. Above that, Samudragupta was ready to
be called Licchavi-dauhitra and seems to have mentioned this
epithet in his records as a matter of pride. 42 It may also be
noted that Prabhavatlgupta though married to a brahmana
king Rudrasena II, was the daughter of Candragupta II born
of the union with a Naga princess Kuberanaga. 43
If Guptas could do such acts out of political expediency, we ^
do not admit them to be orthodox brahmanas and are not ready
to give any weightage to their matrimonial alliances as Goyal
has done for the consideration of their caste. They were kings,
for them all such matters were first political and then social. 44
Kosambi also ascribes to a similar view by stating that the
Guptas followed a series of political marriages ignoring tribal
or caste norms. 45
Thus we can conclude that the question of the caste of the
Guptas cannot be said to have been finally settled. If their
dharana gotra was not borrowed from the gotra of their
purohita and it originally belonged to them then they must be
described as brahmanas. We will have to wait for some more
weighty and specific evidence to give the final verdict.
Following are the names of the Gupta kings which we
divide into two categories :
A. Main rulers
B. Other members of the dynasty
A. Main Rulers
1. Gupta
2. Ghatotkaca
3. Candragupta I
4. Samudragupta
5. Candragupta II
6. Govindagupta
7. Kumaragupta I
20 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
8. Skandagupta
9. Purugupta
10. Kumaragupta II
11. Budhagupta
12. Narasithhagupta
13. Kumaragupta III
14. Visnugupta
B. Other members of the dynasty
1. Ghatotkacagupta
2. Vainyagupta
3. Bhanugupta '
; -
A. Main Rulers
1. Gupta: (No. 1, L. 28; No. 21, L. 4; No. 22, L.I; No. 47,
L. 1; No. 49, L. 1; No. 50, L. 1; No. 51, L. 2, L. 4;
No. 53, L. 1) :
He was the founder of the family. We have already discussed
his name.
2. Ghatotkaca: (No. 1, L.28; No. 47, L.I; No. 53, LL. 1-2;
No. 46, L. 1; No. 49, L. I; No. 50, L. I; No 40, L. 3;
No. 21, L. 4 :
The inscriptions name Maharaja Ghatotkaca as the successor
of Gupta. He should not be confused with Ghatotkacagupta
whose name occurs on some seals found at Vaisali, and also
in the Tumain Inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatotkaca-
gupta (G. E. I16).*6 -
Ghatotkaca was the name of a son of Bhima-sena by the
RaksasI Hidimba. 47 Names based on Ghata are very rare in
Sanskrit literature. Thus Ganesa is named Ghatodara 'pot-
bellied'. 48 The name Ghatotkaca refers to the practice of
bearing traditional names based on Epics and Puranas. Deriva-
tively it means a person having a hairless head. 49 In Pracina
Caritrakosa it has been suggested that Ghatotkaca was so
called as his head was like a ghata (pitcher) and was hairless. 50
Tripathi suggests on the basis of the Skanda Purana that
Ghatotkaca was so called as he produced a loud voice while
laughing which may be compared to the voice produced by
thumping the pitcher quite aloud at its mouth by hands. 51 But
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
21
the first derivation seems to be more plausible from linguistic
point of view 52 while the other explanation may be more
important from socio-psychological or mythological point of
view.
It is possible that it was the nickname of Ghatotkaca which
might have become his famous name.
3. Candragupta I :(No. 47, L.2; No. 53, L. 2; No. 40, L. 3;
No. 21, L. 5; No. 1, L. 28; No. 30, L. 1) :
While his two predecessors are each given the title of
Maharaja, Candragupta I is described in the inscriptions as
Maharajadhiraja, 'king of kings'. Mookerjee connects the passage
from the Puranas defining the extent of the Gupta territory
with the period before Samudragupta, i.e., under Candragupta
I. 53 It has been suggested that Candasena of the play 'Kaumudi-
Mahotsava' is to be identified with Candragupta I. The
Licchavi alliance is the common point in the account given by
the drama and the inscriptions. 54 Other details of the drama,
however, do not support this identification. The drama
condemns Candasena as an usurper and belonging to low caste
whom the citizens of Magadha could not tolerate and drove out
to die in exile. Linguistically also Candasena and Candragupta
are different names. Candra can become Canda in Prakrit but
Gupta cannot be transformed into Sena. Moreover, in the fifth
act of the play we are informed through a character Lokaksi
that the cursed Candasena has been killed and his royal family
uprooted. 55 Thus we know about the total annihilation of the
dynasty after the death of Candasena which is not applicable
to the dynasty of Candragupta which ruled for several genera-
tions after him. 56 The name of the deity Candra 'moon' has
been given to this king; Gupta is the surname. It may refer
to his handsome physical features.
4. Samudragupta (No. 1, L. 29; No. 47, L. 3; No. 53,
L. 3; No. 21, LL. 6-7; No. 2, L. 10; No. 40, L. 4; No.
41, L. 1; No. 10, L. 4; No. 49, L. 3; No. 50, L. 3; No.
13, L. 4; No. 12, L. 19) :
He is introduced as Maharajadhiraja in all references except
the Mathura Pillar Inscription of Candragupta II, G.E. 61 57
where he is mentioned as Bhattarakamahciraja rajddhiraja. He
was the daughter's son of the Licchavis, and son of Maharaja-
22 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
dhiraja Sri Candragupta I born on the queen Kumaradevi. 58
He has been mentioned as a 'Paramabhdgavata' (a devout
devotee of Lord Visnu). 59 No. 2, L. 10 gives the justification
of his name Samudragupta. 60 Mookerji says that the name
Samudragupta was probably a title assumed after his conquests.
It means 'protected by the sea' and may refer to his dominion
which extended upto the sea. The Mathura Inscription of
Candragupta II actually describes the fame of his conquests as
extending up to the four oceans (caturudadhisalilasvaditaya-
sasah). The name Samudragupta may be split up into two parts,
Samudra being his personal name, and Gupta being his
surname. This is supported by the fact that the obverse of his
coins of standard type sometimes bears the legend 'Samudra*
while the reverse has 'Pardkramalf as his title. The name
'Samudra' also appears on some other types of his coins, such
as the Archer type and Battle-Axe type. 61 Mookerji 62 holds that
Samudragupta's personal name was Kaca and that Samudra-
gupta was his title. But the identification of Kaca with
Samudragupta has been rightly opposed by scholars. 63 Vamana
in his Kavyalamkara 64 refers to Candraprakasa as the son of
Candragupta which Goyal takes to be another name of
Samudragupta. 65 But it seems to be the name of a local king of
Ayodhya rather than that of a member of the Imperial Gupta
dynasty. 66 Another probable and most suitable explanation
of the name 'Samudragupta' may be 'protected by Lord Siva',
Samudra being an epithet of Siva. 67
Samudragupta is given many epithets in No. 1. Some of
these are also supported by numismatic evidence. 68
5. Candragupta II : (No. 30, L. I, L. 2; No. 32, L. 2; No.
47, L. 4; No. 3, L. 1; No. 7, L. 1; No. 6, L. 1; No. 7,
L. 10; No. 46, L. 3; No. 53, L. 4; No. 42, L. 1; No. 47,
L. 4; No. 41, L. 2; No. 39, L 1, L. 6; No. 5. L. 3,
L. 7; No. 20, L. 5) :
He is mentioned as ' apratiratha\ ' paramabhagavata 1 'mahdrdjd-
dhirdja' and a son of mahdrajddhirdja Sri Samudragupta born
of his chief queen Dattadevi; 69 or as Bhattdraka-mahdrdjddhirdja,
the good son of the Bhattdraka-mahdrdjddhirdja, the illustrious
Samudragupta; 70 or in one case simply as a king (raja) in No.
30, L. 1. In No, 46, L. 3, L. 4, his title is 'Vikramaditytf. He is
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 23
mentioned by other names as well. Devaraja as his favourite
name (priyanama) is mentioned in No. 5, L. 7. 71 In the Poona
copper plate inscription of Prabhavatlgupta and the Ridhapura
grants of Prabhavatlgupta her father's name is Candragupta. 72
The Chammak copper plate inscription ofVakataka king
Pravarasena II, however, names Prabhavatlgupta's father as
Devagupta. 73 This proves that Devagupta was another name
of Candragupta. Candragupta had a third name, Deva-Sri,
which appears on his Archer and Conch-types of Coins. 74 No.
32, L. 2 justifies his name Candragupta 'who is like a moon
in the galaxy of Gupta kings with the famous name Candra-
gupta'. 75 No. 20, L. 5 refers to his quality of handsomeness.
'His name was Candra and he was holding the glory of a full
moon on his face'. 76
6. Govindagnpta : (No. 42, L. 2; No. 32, L. 3) :
In No. 42, he is mentioned as the son of Candragupta II. His
mother's name \*as Dhruvasvamini. No. 32 explains the basis
of his name : "The lord of the earth, i.e. king Candragupta,
produced a son whose exalted name was Govindagupta, who
was as famous as Govinda (Visnu) for the glory of his virtues,
and who resembled the sons of Diti and Aditi, i.e. the demons
and gods." 77 The poet means that Govindagupta resembled
demons in physical strength and valour, and gods in spiritual
virtues.
Govindagupta probably ruled as emperor between (his
father) Candragupta II and (his younger brother) Kumara-
gupta I. His reign could not have been more than three years,
the interval between the last known date of Candragupta II
(G.E. 93) and the earliest known date of Kumaragupta I (G.E.
96). 78 P. L. Gupta assigns his short regnal period between
A. D. 41 2 and 41 5. 79 That Govindagupta could have ruled as
emperor only for a very short period is also evident from the
fact that he has left no coins. Being a collateral, Govindagupta
does not appear in the genealogical table in the inscriptions of
Kumaragupta and his successors. 80
It is also likely that Kumaragupta defeated or ousted
Govindagupta and seized the throne; and after his accession,
avoided all references to his elder brother. 81
7. Kumaragupta /: (No. 30, L. 2; No. 53, L. 5; No. 49, L. 5;
24 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
No. 50, L. 5; No. 39, L. 7; No. 17, L.13; No. 30, L. 4;
No. 31, L. 1; No. 39, L. 3; No. 46, L. 4; No. 35,
LL.1-2; No. 34, L. 2) :
No. 30, L. 2 says that Sri Candragupta's son Kumargupta
resembled the great Indra (Mahendra), who embraced and
protected the whole earth. 82 In No. 53, L. 5 Kumaragupta is
.mentioned as 'Maharajadhiraja' son of ( paramabhagavata
j Maharajadhiraja Sri Candragupta' born of the cheif queen
' Dhruvadevl. He has been mentioned as father of Purugupta
and son of Candragupta II. 83 In No. 30, L.4 Kumaragupta is
described as shining (ruling) over the earth like the Sun in the
winter. He is called 'Paramabhattaraka' and 'Maharajadhiraja'
in No. 31, L. I. In No. 46, L. 4 he is mentioned only by
his title 'Mahendrdditya', and as the grandson of Samudragupta
and son of Candragupta II. The Arya-Manju-SrI-Mulakalpa
corroborates the title giving his name as Mahendra. 84 In
No. 34, L. 2 he is mentioned as 'Paramadaivata', 'Parmabhatta-
raka' and 'Maharajadhiraja*.
Of the two parts of his name Kumara is the name of god
Skanda (or Karttikeya) 85 and Gupta was his surname.
8. Skandagupta (No. 15, L. 3; No. 46, LL. 7-8; No. 14,
L. 3: No. 16, L. 3; No. 13, L. 8; No. 12, LL. 6, II, 23,
25):
In No. 15 he is equated with Indra. 86 In No. 46 he is
described as equal to the Cakravartins in prowess and valour, to
Rama in righteousness and to Yudhisthira in the matter of
speaking the truth and in good conduct and modesty. 87
According to some scholars 88 these are vague praises; but in
view of his achievements these epithets seem to be richly
deserved. In No. 14, L. 2 he is described as 'rajarajadhiraja',
and as 'Paramabhagavata' and 'Maharajadhiraja' in No. 12,
LL. 23, 25.
The name is based on god Skanda which is a synonym of
Karttikeya.
9. Purugupta (No. 47, L. 6; No. 53, L. 6; No. 49, L. 6;
No. 50, L, 6; No. 38, L. 1) :
We know from No. 53 that Maharajadhiraja Sri Purugupta
was the son of Maharajadhiraja Sri Kumaragupta by his chief
queen Anantadevi. In No. 38, L. 1 the name of the father
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
25
and predecessor of Narasirhhagupta is spelt as Purugupta. 89
The reading Purugupta is unmistakeable on the fragmentary
Nalanda Seal of Narasirhhagupta and is also fairly clear
on the seals of Kumaragupta II. The medial u sign in
the first letter of the name Purugupta is indicated by an
additional stroke attached to the base of the letter and the
downward elongation of its right limb; mere elongation of the
right limb by itself would have denoted the short medial u as
in puttras in LL. 2 and 3. In the second letter of the name,
viz. ru. the medial u is shown by a small hook turned to left
and joined to the foot of r. Palaeographical considerations
apart, the name Purz/gupta yields a more plausible-sense than
Purugupta and fits better in the series of the grand and digni-
fied names of the Gupta kings. The first part of the Gupta
names constituted the real or substantive name and yielded
satisfactory meaning independently of the latter half, viz.
gupta, which being family surname was a mere adjunct. Pura,
by itself is neither a complete nor a dignified name while Puru
is both. Puru or its variant Puru may, like Vainya in Vainya-
gupta signify the homonymous epic hero of the lunar race
who was the ancestor of the Kauravas and the Pandavas, or
may mean abundant or great. 90
10. Kumaragupta II : (No. 48, L. 5) :
Kumaragupta II was the immediate successor of Purugupta
in the light of the data given in two dated inscriptions, viz. the
Sarnath Buddha Stone Image inscriptions of Kumaragupta and
Budhagupta. The first (No. 48) mentions A.D. 473 as the date of
Kumaragupta who must, therefore, be taken as Kumaragupta II
and the second (No. 54) mentions A.D. 476 as the date of
Budhagupta. No. 48 records the date, Gupta year 154 91 when
Kumaragupta was protecting the earth. 92 The renovation of the
Sun temple mentioned in No 17, LL. 20-21 seems to have taken
place in his reign. 93 It seems that Mookerji has by mistake,
connected the reference 94 meant for Kumaragupta I with
Kumaragupta II. 95 The temple was originally constructed in the
reign of Kumaragupta I in M.S. 493=A.D. 436 (L. 19).
11. Budhagupta : (No. 54, L. 1; No. 55, L. 2; No, 18, L. 2;
No. 33, L. 1; No. 53, L. 8) :
Nos. 54, 55, 18 and 33 respectively mention him as reigning in :
26 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
G.Y. 157, 159, 163 and 165. No. 33 gives his titles as 'parama-
daivata\ 'paramabhattdraka' and 'mahdrdjddhirdja\ In No. 53
he is mentioned as the son of Purugupta born of the queen
Candradevi. 96 In No. 55 his title is Mahdrdjddhirdja. Accord-
ing to Sircar there is no space for the name of any other
Gupta prince between Purugupta and Bhudhagupta and their
relationship is clearly mentioned by the word 'putra 1 occurring
at the end of line 6. 97 In other words purugupta was the
father of Budhagupta.
In his description of Nalanda, Hiuen Tsang says that the
monastic establishments at that place were enriched by the
successive endowments of Sakraditya, Budhagupta, Tathagata-
gupta and Baladitya. 98 On the strength of this statement it has
been suggested that Budhagupta was the son of Kumaragupta I
who had the title of Mahendrdditya (Mahendra=Sakra). 99
In veiw of the clear epigraphic reference to the parentage of
Budhagupta the proposed identification must be rejected. 100
The statement of Hiuen Tsang was based on hearsay and not
on sound history, or else his Budhagupta is not to be identified
with Budhagupta of the Imperial Gupta line.
The name Budhagupta is based on Mercury. Budhism had
quite a prominent place in the time of Budhagupta. But in view
of the special leaning of Gupta kings towards the brahmanical
faith we prefer to interpret Budha as referring to Mercury
either as god Mercury (regarded as a son of Soma or the Moon)
or as the planet Mercury. 101
12. Narasirhhagupta : (No. 47, L. 8; No. 49, L. 7; No. 50,
L. 7; No. 38, L. 2) :
Narasirhhagupta has been mentioned as 'Paramabhdgavatd' and
f Mahdrdjddhirdja 9 . Hiranand Shastri 102 says that the seal of
Narasirhhagupta (No. 47), though not entire is valuable in
establishing his identity as the son of Purugupta born of the
the queen consort rl Vainyadevl and not Vatsadevl as has
hitherto been believed. But the correct reading of the name of
her mother is Sri Candradevi, on his seal. 103 In No. 50. L. 6
we find his mother's name as 'VatsadevI'. In No. 49 he is
mentioned as the father of Kumaragupta III. No. 38 describes
the issuer of this seal, Visnugupta, as the son and successor of
Kumaragupta III, who in his turn was the son and successor
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 27
of Narasimhagupta.
Narasirhha is the name of Visnu in his fourth incarnation
(Avatara), half man and half lion who slew the demon Hiranya-
kasipu and saved the life of Prahlada. 104
13. Kumaragupta III : (No. 49, L. 8; No. 50, L. 8; No. 38.
L. 3; No. 47, L. 5) :
Kumaragupta mentioned in Nos. 49 (L. 8); 50(L. 8); 38 (L. 3);
47 (L. 5) should be considered as Kumargupta III. He is
described as the son and successor of Narasimhagupta and has
been given the title of Mahardjadhiraja.
14. Visnugupta (No. 38, L. 4) :
Visnugupta is mentioned here as a Paramabhagavata and
Mahdrdjddhirdja. He was the son and successor of Kumara-
gupta III who in his turn was the son and successor of
Narasimhagupta. Unfortunately the name of the mother of
Visnugupta (and the wife of Kumargupta III) has been lost in
the portion of the last line.
The Kalighat hoard 105 contained besides Candragupta IPs
coins those of Narasimhagupta, Kumaragupta III and Visnu-
gupta. Altekar identified Visnugupta of the coins with the
homonymous ruler of the later Gupta family of Magadha,
who flourished in the eighth century A.D. 106 At that time the
learned professor had no knowledge of this seal of an earlier
Visnugupta.
His name is clearly based on god Visnu.
B. Other members of t he Dynasty
1. Ghatotkacagupta : (No. 45, L. 1; No. 30, L. 3) :
Ghatotkacagupta of No. 30 is identical with that of No. 45.
A distinction must be made between Ghatotkacagupta and
Ghatotkaca, the latter being the grandfather of Samudragupta.
Unfortunately the word expressing the exact relationship bet-
ween Kumaragupta (the ruling emperor) and Ghatotkacagupta
(the provincial governor) is lost in the missing portion of the
inscription. He was probably a son or younger brother of
Kumaragupta I 107 and may have been one of the claimants for
the throne after the death of Kumaragupta I. Altekar consi-
ders him to be a brother of Kumaragupta. 108
2. Vainyagupta : (No. 51, L. 5; No. 52, L. 1) :
28 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Vainya is the synonym for the first king 'Prthu'. 109 Hiranand
Shastri mentions Vainya as a synonym of Kubera, the god of
wealth. According to Sir Richard Burn Vainya was another
name of Vajra whom Hiuen Tsang mentions as the son of
Baladitya. He chiefly relies on the St. Petersburg dictionary
where Vainya is derived from Vena and is connected with
Tndra; Vajra is the thunderbolt and Vainya is a patronymic
from Vena who is Indra. 110 But the suggested identification is
extremely far-fetched. Vajra cannot by any stretch of imagina-
tion be described as a synonym of Vainya. Moreover, it is diffi-
cult to believe that Hiuen Tsang would have referred to the
king by such a name in preference of the real name.
In No. 51 Vainyagupta is mentioned as a paramabhagavata
and mahdrdjddhirdja, but in No. 53 he is described as a devotee
of Lord Siva (bhagavdn mahddevapdddnudhydta) and a mahdraja
only. Some scholars hold the opinion that it shall be wrong to
disconnect Vainyagupta from the Gupta family on the basis of
the argument that the Guptas were Vaisnavas while Vainya-
gupta professed to be a Saiva. 111 We find both the epithets
'paramabhdgavata' and 'mahddevapdddnudhydta' for him in our
records.
It is interesting that even his Padadasa and Uparika are
styled as maharajas (LL.3 and 16). His title Maharaja, there-
fore, cannot prove that Vainyagupta was an insignificant
prince. 112
The legend on No. 51, though partially preserved, resembles
in point of style the legend on the other seals of the Imperial
Guptas. Here Vainyagupta is specifically called paramabhagavata.
Moreover, his name, like those of other kings in the Gupta
dynasty ends in the word Gupta. It is thus clear that Vainya-
gupta belonged to the line of the Imperial Guptas. He seems
to have ruled in any case over considerable parts of Bengal and
Bihar 113 almost immediately after Budhagupta. We do not
know anything about the relationship of Vainyagupta with
Budhagupta and Bhanugupta of the Eran Inscription of A.D.
510. 114 Some scholars assign him a reign of four years before
Bhanugupta (A.D. 510). 115
The regnal period of Vainyagupta witnessed a considerable
decline in the power and prestige of the Imperial Guptas. The
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 29
rise of the ruling dynasty consisting of Dharmaditya, Gopa-
candra and Samacaradeva in Central and South-West Bengal
in the first half of the sixth Century A.D., possibly points to
the extirpation of Gupta rule from Bengal excepting the
bhukti (province) of Pundravardhana (North Bengal). 116
3. Bhanugupta (No. 19, L. 5) :
He is known only from No. 19. His no other coin or seal has
yet come to light. As regards the position of Bhanugupta, seve-
ral alternatives are possible. First, he may have been a succes-
sor of Vainyagupta and the dominions of both may have
included parts of Eastern Malwa. Second, Vainyagupta may have
been the lord of the eastern part of the Gupta Empire when its
western part was being ruled by Bhanugupta. Third, Bhanu-
gupta may have been a viceroy in the Malwa region like
Govindagupta and Ghatotkacagupta. It is possible that he be-
longed to the Imperial Gupta line but whether he succeeded
Vainygupta, or the two ruled at the same time respectively
over the western and eastern parts of the empire, is difficult to
determine. The latter view seems more probable and this in-
ternal dissension perhaps paved the way for the downfall of the
empire. 117 Bhanugupta, in spite of the high encomiums paid to
his bravery in Eran Inscription, remains a shadowy figure, and
we do not know what was his position in the Gupta Imperial
family, or what part he played in the dark days of the Gupta
empire. 118
His name is based on the god Sun 'Bhanu'.
NAMES OF THE GUPTA QUEENS
Following are the names of the Gupta queens available in
our inscriptions. They have been mentioned as Mahadevis.
1. Kumaradevi
2. Dattadevl
3. (a) Dhruvadevi
(b) DhruvasvaminI
4. AnantadevI
5. Candradevi
6. Sriva (tsa) devl
7. Mitradevi
1. Kumaradevi : (No. 1, L. 29; No. 4, L. 8; No. 10, L. 4;
30 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
No. 12, L. 18; No. 13, L. 3; No. 21, LL. 5-6; No. 40,
L. 4; No. 47, L. 2; No. 53, L. 2; No. 49. L. 2; No. 50,
L. 2):
She was the wife of Candragupta I and the mother of Samudra-
gupta. Kumara, the basis of her name has already been ex-
plained under Kumaragupta.
2. Datiadevl (No. 4, L. 10; No. 10, L. 5; No. 12, L. 20;
No. 13, L. 4; No. 47, L. 3; No. 53, L. 3; No. 49, L. 3;
No. 50, L. 3) :
She is mentioned as the wife of Samudragupta and the mother
of Candragupta II. Datta means 'given' or protected. 119 We
also find 'Datta 1 as the name-ending suffix for male names in
literature.
3 (a) Dhruvadevi (No. 53, L. 5; No. 12, L. 21; No. 13, L.5;
No. 49, L. 4; No. 50, L. 4; No. 47, L. 5) :
She was the mother of Kumaragupta I and the wife of Candra-
gupta II. Literally 'Dhruva 1 means unchangeable or constant.
It is also the name of the polar star (personified as son of
Uttana-pada and grandson of Manu). 120
3 (b). DhruvasvaminI (No. 42, LL. 3-4) :
We come to know of DhruvasvaminI only in No. 42. Lines 1-3
mention her as the wife of Candragupta II and the mother of
Govindagupta. As we have noticed Dhruvadevi elsewhere
appears as the wife of Candragupta II and mother of Kumara-
gupta I. It is not much likely that Candragupta II had two
queens with almost identical names. As the real name of the
two is the same (Dhruva) it would be better to hold that
DhruvasvaminI was another name of Dhruvadevi and Kumara-
gupta I and Govindagupta were real brothers.
4. Anantadevl (No. 49, L. 5; No. 50, L. 5; No. 53, L. 6;
No. 47, L. 6) :
She is mentioned as the wife of Kumaragupta I and the mother
of Purugupta. According to Monier Williams Ananta is the
name alike of Visnu, esa (The Snake-god), Sesa's brother
Vasuki; Krsna, his brother Baladeva, Siva and Rudra; and is
also included in the list of the Visve-devas and the Arhats, etc.
5. Candradevi (No. 47, L. 7; No. 53, L. 7) :
The name of the mother of Budhagupta occurring at the be-
ginning of the extant portion of line 7 is not clearly legible; it
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 31
consists of four letters, the first of which is either ca or va and
the second is certainly n with some subscript mark or letter;
the third and fourth letters clearly read devyam. It is, therefore,
highly probable that her name was Candradevl, known from
some seals to have been the name of the queen of Purugupta.
Hiranand Shastri takes the relevant legend to be 'Srlvainya-
devydm' 1 ^ but regards the correct reading to be Candra in place
of Vainya.
No. 47 mentions Candradevl as the name of the mother of
Narasirhhagupta.
In No. 53 Candradevl is mentioned as the mother of Budha-
gupta and wife of Purugupta.
The name Candradevl is based on the god Candra (Moon).
6. Sriva (tsa) devl* (No. 49, L. 6; No. 50, L. 6) :
*Srlvd > is clearly legible but the terminal 'tsa 9 can only faintly
be seen.
She is mentioned as the wife of Purugupta and mother of
Narasirhhagupta. 'Srlvatsa' is the name of Vinu, which literally
means 'beloved or favourite of Sri' (LaksmI). 125 It is also a
symbol or mark of Visnu. 126
7. Mitradevi (No. 49, LL. 7-8; No. 50, L. 7) :
No. 49 mentions mahadevl Sumatidevlas the wife of Narasirhha-
gupta and mother of Kumaragupta III. Fleet read the name
as MahalaksmidevI 127 and Hoernle as 'SrTmatidevt'. 128 But in
No. 50 the reading is clearly 'Mitradevi'. 129 Mitra is one of the
several names of the Solar deity.
REFERENCES
1. Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, (DX) 1 , L. 29, p. 28.
2. (DX) 1 . p. 258, L. 1
3. Sarnath Buddhist Stone Image Inscription of Budha Gupta, G.Y.
157, CJ. 1914-15, pp. 124-125. L.I., Sarnath Budhist Stone Inscription
of Kumaragupta II, G.Y. 154, CJ. 1914-15.
4. Cf. Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, (DX) 1 . LL.
28-29, p. 8
5. It may be noted that here also the epithet Sri indicates that the
founder's name was 'Gupta'.
Cf. D.C. Sircar, JJ. XIX, p. 19 : "The first known king of the Gupta
dynasty was Gupta whose son was Ghatotkaca; but when the latter's son
Candragupta I founded an empire, his descendants always stuck to the
32 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
name-ending gupta and soon the family became known as the Gupta
dynasty";
Cf. Dashrath Sharma, Journal of the Bihar Research Society,
XXXIX, p. 265.
6. Srl-srimatyam : (DX) 1 . p. 215, L. 2.
7. Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, (DX) 1 L. 28, p. 8.
8. B.G. Gokhale, Ez. p. 28.
9. For details of abbreviated names, places, see Agrawala, Jy., pp.
190-192.
10. Lj. Vol. LIII, part I, p. 119, and note.
11. (DX) 1 . p. 8, note 3.
12. GJ. XV, pp. 42-43.
13. D.D. Kosambi, G. p. 290.
14. See F.W. Thomas, 'The Roo t y'gup and the Guptas', UJ, 1909, pp.
740-743.
15. Book, III, chap. 10, verse 9.
16. See also F.E. Hall's edition of H.H. Wilson's Translation, Vol. Ill,
p. 99f.
17. Manavadharmasastra, II, 31, Burnell's Translation, p. 20.
18. This is shown by the appearance of the name of KumaradevI and
her father's family on some gold coins of Candragupta I, and by the
regular use of the epithet, ''daughter's son of Licchavi (or of a Licchavi
king)" for Samudragupta in the genealogical passages in the inscriptions
of the Gupta dynasty.
19. To give other examples :
Visnugupta is the name of the Sutrakara and Bhasyakara of the
Arthasastra
Arthasastra 15/1/4 FPT^T f^FT^R^FR ^ ^ ?rF3i ^ II
Padmagupta is the name of a dramatist, the author of the Navasahasa-
nkacaritam.
Vasugupta is the auther of the Sivasutras.
In the Chapter XII of the Tantraloka, Chapter 37, we find clear mention
of the brahmanic names with Gupta-endings.
1. Atrigupta as a brahmana (dvijanma) Vol. XII, chap. 37, Karika 38.
2. Varahagupta, Ibid., 53;
3. Narasimhagupta, Ibid., 54;
4. Abhinavagupta, Ibid., 56;
5. Laksmanagupta, Ibid., 61;
(Teacher of Abhinavagupta)
6. Manorathagupta, Ibid., 64;
7. Ksemagupta, Utpalagupta, Abhinavagupta, Cakragupta, Padma-
gupta (All cousins of Abhinavagupta), Ibid., 67.
8. Ramagupta, Ibid., 68.
20. HJ. Vol. IX, p.131.
21. K.D. Bajpai, Cz. p. 119 : A circular lead piece bearing the seal
mark of Indragupta 'rano Indagutasc? inscribed in the Mauryan Brahml
script was recovered which gave the name of a king who ruled over
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 33
Eran about 200 B.C.
22. D.C. Sircar, Hz., p. 475.
23. Ibid., p. 436
See Ibid., pp. 436-37, f.n. 9 : The queen refers to her paternal gotra
rather than that of her husband's family and thus contradicts the injunc-
tions of the Smrtis, p.439.
24. Ibid., p. 443
25. K.P. Jayaswal, Ay. pp. 115-16.
26. B.C. Gokhale, Ez. pp. 25-26.
27. NJ. 1934, p. 235.
28. Ibid., XIX, pp. 115-16.
Majumdar disagrees with this surmise. Some scholars have given the
emendation 'Gupta' for the original jarto, jato, orjapto which also is not,
however, acceptable (R.C. Majumdar; Pg. p. 197, see f.n.l).
Hoernle while identifying the people with jafs interprets the passage as
referring to the defeat of the Hunas by Yasodharman.
29. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 526, f.n. 1.
30. ZJ. Vol. VII, No. 1 (January 1965), pp. 183-85.
31. Ibid., p. 185, f.n. 8; (Cf. Mitaksara)
This is the view also of Baudhayana, Apastamba and Laugaksi.
32. S.R. Goyal, D., pp. 78-81.
33. Ibid., p. 78.
34. Ibid.,
35. Ibid., p. 80.
36. Ibid., p. 81.
37. These three marriages are not of much importance as a brahmana
can marry in any caste according to the injunctions of the Smrtis. So even
being of lower class than brahmanas, Guptas could have married their
daughters to the brahmanas.
38. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 170 ; It has been suggested that Candra-
gupta II arranged a marriage between his son and the daugther of Kaku
(t) stha Varman, the most powerful ruler of the Kadamba family who-
was the ruler of Kuntala, Kanarese country in the Bombay Presidency.
39. Cf.Ibid., p. 170.
40. Ibid., p. 169.
41. Ibid., p. 128.
42. Majumdar says that 'we may reasonably assume that the marriage
of Candragupta and Kumaradevl led to the amalgamation of the Gupta
principality with the Licchavi State, and the epithet licchavi-dauhitra was
deliberately given to Samudragupta to emphasize his right of succession
to the dual monarchy'.
R.C. Majumdar, Pg. 129.
Cf. V.S. Pathak, TJ, XIX. Pt. II, pp. 140-41: Pathak takes the meaning.
of dauhitra in the technical sense of the Smrtis, i.e., "a person having.
dual parentage (dvamusyayana)".
34 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
43. D.C. Sircar, Hz., p. 436. Poona Copper-plate Inscription of
Prabhavatigupta, LL. 7-10.
44. We know that Seleucus married hrs daughter to Candragupta
Maurya even though the Greeks used the word barbarian for non-
Greeks, Xz, p. 91 and were not in favour of mixing with them. Marriages
among kings attached more significance to . political than to social
considerations.
45. D.D. Kosambi, G. p. 290.
46. GJ, Vol. XXVI, No. 11, p. 117, L. 3.
47. Fz. p. 375, col. 1; Mahabharata, i, iii, Bhagavata Purana, ix,
22, 29.
48. Kathasaritsagara, IV. 165.
49. Fz., p. 375, col. 1 ^ = the head (Mahabharata I, 155, 38).
Ibid., p. 175, Col. 3 3^7= hairless
50. ffl^ipR'wn^t fV^rra, ^rn^ntffa srr^r ^fr^Ffar, TO 198
51. pf)rr srarc ferret, HiruMl^yidHicW^sn", "TO 143
' ffa ^^
! fFTcTT rT W^I^fl" II ^^ 5^TT. 1.60.7
52. In coloquial Punjabi a hairless person is called 'Roda', 'Rodu'.
He is generally referred so in his absence but in presence called so
in rough tone or satirically. In Bengali such a person is called 'Nyara-
matha' and in Telugu it is called 'Gundu'.
53. R.K. Mookerjee, Ag., p. 13 :
"The kings born of the Gupta family will rule over the territories
(Janapadas) situated along the Ganges (anu Ganga) such as Prayaga,
Saketa (Oudh) and Magadha".
, 54. Ibid., p. 14.
55.
56. Jagannath 'The Kaumudlmahotsava as a Historical Play. E. pp.
116-117.
57. GJ. Vol. XXI, No. 1, p. 8, L. 1.
58. No. 1, L. 29.
59. No. 40, L.4.
60. No. 2, L. 10 : (5^) snre f|
61. Ag. p. 17.
62. Ibid.,
63. Rx., pp. 54-59.
UJ., 1889, pp. 75-76; UJ, 1893, p. 95; HJ, 1902, p. 259; (Dx) 1 , p. 27;
64. III. 2.2.
65. S.R. Goyal, D., p. 209.
66. R.C. Majumdar, Pg., pp. 155-56.
67. Fz., p. 1166, col. 3 :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
35
D.C. Sircar, Hz, pp. 290-91, f. n. 4,
68. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 40.
69. No. 53, L. 4.
70. No. 41, L. 2.
71. (Dx)l, p. 32, note 1;
Ibid., p. 33, note 6, Fleet takes it as the name of one of his
ministers.
72. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 436, 439.
73. Ibid, p. 444. LL. 14-16.
'T'-d I 4 ) i'H 3 cM rr iV4 ......... 1
74. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 44-45.
75. No. 32, L. 2 :
76. No. 20, L. 5 :
-1 M ^ 1 4\
See the appendix No. 1.
77. No. 32, LL. 3-4 :
78. Cf. Jagannath, f Govindagupta, a new Gupta emperor', JJ, XXII,
pp. 286 ff.
79. P.L. Gupta, Sx, p. 300.
80. GJ. 27, pp. 13-14.
81. YJ. p. 94.
82. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 297 :
83. Nos. 49, 50, L. 5.
84. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 91.
85. Fz. p. 292.
86. No. 15, L. 3 :
87. No. 46, LL. 4-8:
88. GJ., XXXIII, p. 307.
89. Purugupta was originally read as Puragupta D.C. Sircar, Hz.,
p. 330, f.n- 2.
90. Gj. 26, pp. 237-38 : M.A. Winternitz, By. Vol. I, pp. 379-80.' From
the Mahabharata 1, 75 and 1, 76-93, we know of the Yayati-legend which
states that Yayati having become old demanded the youth of his sons to
enjoy more lust, but every one declined except the youngest Puru who
declared his willingness. Puru left his youth for Yayati. After enjoying
the pleasures of youth for another thousand years Yayati still felt dis-
satisfied. At last he took up the burden of his old age and returned Jiis son
Puru his youth. He installed Puru on the throne and retired to the forest.
91. No. 48, L. 1 3tRT^?TWrt H: ^^1 [^Rn^T 154=f. ff 473)
36 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
92. No. 48, 1. l: ......... *rfir
93. No. 17, LL. 20-21 : qctfvn^ T^*J f%wrfk% 1|
|>M4*Hd 529 =$ *. 472) ;
See also U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 59-65.
94. No. 17, L. 13 : ......... lpRTC*n% ifofi 5T$mrfa II
95. R.K., Mookerji, Ag., p. 109.
96. See the appendix No. II.
97. JJ. XIX, p. 274.
98. S. Beal, U. II, p. 168.
99. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 265.
100. JJ., XIX, pp. 123-24;
D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 331, f.n.l.
101. Fz. p. 734 : Moreover Buddha (the name of lord Buddha) is spelt
different from Budhagupta (one letter W in the first part of the name is
elided). The former means 'awakened' or fully enlightened man who has
got wisdom, while the latter means the Constellation Mercury.
102. XJ. No. 66, p. 29.
103. See the appendix No. II.
104. Fz. p. 529.
105. Allan, Z. p. CXXVI.
106. As is known from his newly discovered inscription dated in the
Year 117 (Harsa Era) A.D.723.
TJ., Vol. Ill, Part I, pp. 57 ff.
107. GJ, Vol. XXVI, p. 117.
108. Rx, p. 186.
109. Fz., p. 1023; Rgveda, VIII. IX. 10; JJ, Vol. VI, p. 57, note 2.
110. XJ., No. 66, p. 29.
111. JJ.VI, pp. 50-51.
112. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, pp. 49-50.
113. D.C. Sircar, Hz* p. 341, note 4.
114. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 346 f.
115. JJ.VI, pp. 50-51.
116. Ibid., XIX, pp. 275-76; Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 210-11
117. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 190.
118. Ibid,, p. 191.
119. Fz. p. 467.
120. Ibid., p. 521.
121. See the appendix No. II
122. XJ. No. 66, p. 65, L. 7.
123. Ibid., note 2 (Also see CJ. 1934-35, p. 63).
124. See the appendix No. II.
125. Fz. p. 1100, col. i.
126. Ibid.,
127. HJ. XIX, p. 225.
128. LJ. Vol. LVIII (1889), p. 89.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
37
129. The reading is checked by me. The name 'Mitradevi' is clear in
No. 50, Plate VIII (e) of the seal of 'Kumaragupta III, in XJ., No. 66
(see the plates attached in the last portion of the Journal)
Names of Feudatory Kings and
High Officers
NAMES OF FEUDATORY KINGS
First, we analyse the names of subordinate rulers or feuda-
tory kings dividing them into the following categories :
Names based on Ganapati
1. Ganapati (No. I, L. 13) :
One of the kings said to have been uprooted by Samudragupta
in northern India. The name violates the laws laid down by
the Grhya-sutras which prohibit the giving of the names of
deities to human-beings directly. 1
2. Ganapatinaga (No. 1, L. 21) :
Another king of Aryyavartta defeated by Samudragupta. The
first part is Ganapati and the second is 'naga', which signifies
that the king belonged to the Naga dynasty. He probably
ruled at Mathura. 2
Names based on Moon
1. Candravarmman : (No. 1, L. 21) :
One of the kings of Aryyavartta defeated by Samudragupta.
The first part is Candra and second is 'Varmma* which is a
form for the original term 'varman', a surname generally used
for ksatriyas. He may be identified with the king of that name
whose record has bee n found at Susunia in Bankura district,
Bengal. 3
2. Surasmicandra (No. 1 8, L. 4) :
He is described as the ruler of the country that lies between the
rivers Kalindi and Narmada, and governing with the qualities
of a regent lording, one of the quarters of the world, and en-
joying the title of a maharaja during the reign of Budhagupta.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 39-
Literally it means 'a moon possessed of good rays'.
Names based on Naga
1. Nagadatta (No. 1, L. 21) :
One of the kings of Aryyavartia defeated by Samudragupta.
The first part is Naga which refers most likely to 'a holy ser-
pent' and the second is 'datta' meaning given. Thus the full
name may mean 'born by the grace of a Naga'. D.C. Sircar
takes the compound as a Caturthi Tatpurusa instance mean-
ing 'dedicated to a Naga'. However, the compounds are usually
taken as Trtlya Tatpurusa instances. The names do not indi-
cate towards bali but such names asGurudatta, Sivadatta and
Nagadatta may exhibit reverence to Guru, Siva or Naga by
whose worship or blessings the son was born which is attested
to by tradition of such names.
2. Nagasena (No. ], L. 13, 21) :
The first part of the name is Naga and the second is sena.
Nagasena of the L. 13 and L. 21 looks to be the same. 4 Accord-
ing to L. 21 he was one of the kings of Aryyavartta uprooted
by Samudragupta. In L. 13 he is mentioned as having been
defeated by Samudragupta by the valour of his arms. He
seems to have been an important king. 5
Names based on Siva
1. Rudradatta(No.52,L.3):
He is given the designation of a maharaja and is mentioned as
a padaddsa (slave of the feet) of Vainyagupta. The first part
literally meaning roaring, dreadful or terrible 6 denotes Siva and
the second 'given'; the full name meaning 'given by Lord Siva*.
2. Rudradeva (No. 1, L. 21) :
He is described as one of the kings of Aryyavartta defeated by
Samudragupta. The first part of the name is Rudra which
denotes Lord Siva and the second is 'deva* which means 'god'.
It is another name based on Lord Siva. Rudradeva has been
differently identified by various scholars. Dr. D.C. Sircar has
identified him with the Western Satrap Rudrasena II or his
son Rudrasena III, while K.P. Jayaswal, K.N. Dikshit and
R.N. Dandekar identify him with Vakataka Rudrasena I.
U.N. Roy 7 differing with the above scholars proposes his
40 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
identification with Vakataka Maharaja Rudrasena II, the son
of Prthvisena I.
3. Ugrasena (No. 1, L. 20) :
He is mentioned as a ruler of Palakka during the reign of
Samudragupta. Ugra meaning 'powerful mighty or terrible', is
another name of Rudra or Siva. 8 Sena is merely a surname.
Or we can give another explanation of the whole as Ugrd send
asya, i.e. 'having mighty army'.
Names based on Sun
We find only one such name which is as given below :
1. Prabhakara (No. 32, L. 8) :
He is described as a king (bhumipati) and a destroyer of the
enemies of the Gupta dynasty. He was the overlord of Datta-
bhata. He is not known from any other source. The name of his
capital or territory is not mentioned. Probably he was the con-
temporary local chief of Dasapura and a feudatory ally of the
Guptas in their struggle against the Hunas. 9 Dattabhata does
not include in the inscription the genealogy of his master. It is
possible that Prabhakara was a self-made man who did not
have a distinguished ancestor worthy of record. He may have
been appointed as a ruler of Das*apura by the paramount
power, after the extinction of the Varman dynasty. 10 That
Prabhakara was not a scion of the Varman dynasty would also
appear from his name which, unlike the names of the known
members of that dynasty, does not end in Varman. 11 The
name violates the laws of Grhyasutras which forbid the direct
imposition of the names of deities upon human-beings.
Names based on Visnu
1. Acyutanandin (No. 1, L. 21) :
He is included in the list of kings of Aryyavartta forcefully
uprooted by Samudragupta. Acyuta is the name of Visnu or
Krsna, 12 and Nandin is the name of an attendant of Siva and
also the name of Siva's bull. 13 So literally the expression would
mean 'one who is a servant of god Visnu'. Nandin also means
gladdening or rejoicing. 14 So it may also mean 'one who
pleases or wins over god Visnu'.
Acyutanandin seems to have been a ruler of Ahicchatra
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
41
(near Bareilly district). 15 The Puranas give names ending in
*Nandin' in the list of Naga kings and coins bearing 'Acyuta*
have been found from Ahicchatra. 16 Therefore, it is possible
that Ahicchatra was a seat of government of Acyutanandin.
2. Dhanyavisnu (No. 18, L. 8) :
He was the grandson of maharaja Indravisnu and younger
brother of maharaja Matrvisnu. We also find his name in line
5 of the Eran Stone Boar Inscription of the time of Toramana
(A.D. 500-51 5 ). 17 It signifies the tendency of naming persons
by using adjectives before the names of deities. Dhanya means
'bringing or bestowing wealth or the opulent'. 18
3. Harivisnu (No. 18, L. 6) :
He was the great-grandfather of maharaja Matrvisnu. Hari
here specifies the Krsna apparition of Visnu. 19
4. Indravisnu (No. 18, L. 5) :
He has been mentioned as a maharaja, great-grand-father of
Matrvisnu; a brahmana devoted to studies and celebrating
sacrifices and belonging to Maitrayanlya (sakha). The vedic
counterpart is Indravisnu m. dual.
5. Matrvisnu : (No. 18, L. 7) :
He was the installer of the stone pillar at Eran, a maharaja,
grandson of maharaja Indravisnu. We also find his name in
the Eran Stone Boar Inscription of the time of Toramana
(A.D. 500-51 5). 20 Matr stands for one of the seven Matr-
kas 21 and may refer to the prevalence of the Matr cult. The
name is formed by the similar process of the combination of
the names of two deities, Matr and Visnu. Matr, if taken as a
short form for the Vedic Matarisvan, together with Visnu
would mean Agni and Visnu an interpretation that is relevant
to the context.
6. Varunavisnu (No. 18, L. 5) :
He was the grandfather of maharaja Matrvisnu. The name is
based on the combination of the names of two deities Varuna
and Visnu. Varuna is the sea-god of the Vedic pantheon.
7. Visnudasa (No. 3, L. 2) :
Maharaja Visnudasa belonged to the Sanakanlka family.
Visnu signifies the Lord Visnu and dasa means 'a servant*.
Thus the whole literally means 'a servant or devotee of Lord
Visnu'.
42 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
8. Visnugopa (No 1, L. 19) :
A ruler of Kafici. According to Diskalkar Visnugopa is
undoubtedly identical with an early Pallava king of that
name. 22
It can be a synonym of Lord Krsna who originally an in-
carnation of Visnu took his birth as the son of Nanda who was
a Gopa.
Now we study the names grouping them according to their
suffixes.
Names ending in 'datta'
1. Parnadatta (No. 14, L. 8, L. 9) :
He is mentioned as a ruler of Surastra appointed by Skanda-
gupta. He was the father of governor Cakrapalita. Sankalia
considers it to be an Iranian name. 23 But it can can very well
be an Indian name. Parna means a leaf and is as well the name
of a tree called Palasa. We find 'Parnadatta' to be the name
of a man in the Maitrayani Samhita. 24 It signifies 'a person
born as a result of the worship of the Parna (Palas~a) tree'.
2. Svdmidatta 25 (No. 1, L. 19) :
He is mentioned as one of the Daksinapatha kings. lie was a
ruler of Kottura and was defeated by Samudragupta.
Literally the name means 'given by God', the first part be-
ing Svamin and the second datta*.
Names ending in 'Gin'
1. Mahendragiri (No. 1, L. 19) :
The first part is Mahendra, i.e., the great Indra and the second
is 'giri', which means a mountain. It is also an honorific name
later on given to one of the ten orders of the Das-nami Gosains
(founded by ten pupils of Sankaracarya; the word giri is added
to the name of each member). 27 We also find it used with the
names of ascetics.
He was one of the Daksinaptha kings defeated by Samudra-
gupta.
Names ending in Mitra
Pusyamitra (No. 13, L.I 1,) :
The name is mentioned in plural. 28 It is said that Pusyamitras
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 43
who had developed great power and wealth were defeated by
king Skandagupta.
The other readings suggested by scholars are Puspamitra
and Yudhyamitra. But a careful scrutiny will support the
reading Pusyamitra as more likely. In the passages quoted by
Biihler from the Prakrit Gathas, ascribed to Merutunga,
Dharmasagara and Jayavijayagni 29 , the name of the early
king Pusyamitra, the contemporary of Patanjali appears as
Pusamitta and thus supports the reading Pusyamitra.
Pusyamitra in plural may denote the followers of king
Pusyamitra. Pusyamitra, the name of a tribe in Central India,
is also mentioned in the Puranas.
Names ending in Rajan(Raja)
1. Devaraja (No. 5, L. 7) :
Fleet fills up the lacuna 30 and takes Devaraja to be the
name of an officer of Candragupta II. 31 But D.C. Sircar
takes it as another name of Candragupta II. 32 The view
of Sircar is more plausible and has been generally accepted by
scholars. 33 It may, however, be noted that in Vakataka grants
Devagupta is mentioned as another name of Candragupta II. 34
Literally the name means 'a king of gods' which is also
another name of Indra.
2. Goparaja (No. 19, LL. 3, 5) :
A feudatory cheif who is said to have accompanied the
mighty king glorious Bhanugupta and fought a famous battle.
Goparaja died in the battle and his wife burnt herself on the
funeral pyre along with him.
The inscription informs us that he was the son of a king
named Madhava, and was the daughter's son of the Sarabha
king, belonging to the lineage of Laksa of which he is described
as an ornament.
Literally the name means 'a king of the Gopas', i.e.,
milkmen or Ahlras. Raja is a surname signifying 'the king'.
3. Mantaraja (N. 1, L. 19) :
King of Kurula, one of the rulers of Daksnapatha defeated
by Samudragupta.
In this name the first part is Manta and the second is Raja.
The meaning of the first part is not clear. It is clearly not a
44 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Sanskrit word. As Woolner has pointed out words with cereb-
rals are often non-Aryan or influenced by non-Aryan elements. 35
Another possibility is that these names show dialectal elements.
Even now-a-days we give names like Mantu, Bantu, etc., to
little children. There is also a possibility that the Sanskrit
word 'mantra' meaning 'a hymn or magical formula' got
changed to 'manta' through a process of Prakritization, or
we may derive it from an artificial root 'mant' to act as
intermediator. 36
4. Nilaraja (No. 1, LL. 19-20) :
A king of Avamukta, one of the Daksinapatha kings defeated
by Samudragupta. The first part of the name is Nila and the
second is raja.
Nlla means 'of dark colour' especially blue or green or
black 37 and is also the name of a Naga and raja is the surname
added to it.
5. Sarbharaja (No. i!9, L 4) :
He was the maternal grandfather of Goparaja, the feudatory
chief of king Bhanugupta.
Sarabha is the name of a people and also refers to a fabu-
lous animal supposed to have eight legs and to inhabit the
snowy mountains; it is represented as stronger than the lion
and the elephant. 38 The name may literally mean 'a king of
the Sarabha people'. It may also be treated as a name based
on an animal.
6. Vyaghraraja (No. 1, L. 19) :
He was the ruler of Mahakantara and was one of the kings of
Daksinapatha defeated by Samudragupta. He has been identi-
fied with the Vakataka feudatory prince Vyaghra whose inscrip-
tions have been found at Nach-ne-ki-talai and Ganj in Central
India, who is also said to have been the ruler of the Ucchakalpa
dynasty in Bundelkhand. 39 But an objection to this view is
that he must be a ruler in Daksinapatha as mentioned in our
inscription and has accordingly been identified with the ruler
of Maha-vana, a synonym of Maha-kantara, also called Jeypore
forest in Orissa. 40
The name is based on the animal Vyaghra, or tiger imply-
ing that in Mahakantara his subordinate chiefs were like tigers
and he was their ruler. The name is a good selection in the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
45
context of the fact that the region of Mahakantara is known to
have been infested with tigers.
7 raja (No. 19, L. 3) :
The first part of the name has been damaged. He was a king
and was the grandfather of Goparaja, the feudatory chief of
king Bhanugupta. He was the founder of the Laksa lineage.
Names ending in Varman
1. Balavarmman (No. 1, L. 21) :
One of the kings of Aryyavartta said to have been forcefully
uprotted by Samudragupta. The first part of the name is Bala
which means strength or power and the second part Varmman
is a surname used for ksatriyas. The name may literally mean
'one who protects with his power'.
It is a name based on quality.
2. Bandhuvarmman (No. 17, L. 15, L. 16) :
Bandhuvarmman was the son of ViSvavarman. He was probably
a feudatory chief, ruling at Dasapura, Mandasor in Western
Malwa, 41 in the time of Kumaragupta I. He has been men-
tioned as a king (nrpa) governing the city of Dasapura and
it was under his rulership that the Sun-temple was caused to
be built by the guild of silk-cloth weavers at Mandasor (Dasa-
pura). The relevant lines in the inscription lay a stress on his
name Bandhu. He is described as possessed of firmness and
statesmanship; beloved of (his) kinsmen; the relative, as it were,
of (his) subjects; the remover of the afflictions of (his) con-
nections; pre-eminently skilful in destroying the ranks of (his)
proud enemies. 42 Varman is a ksatriya surname meaning
'the protector', the entire expression may literally be trans-
lated as 'the protector of his relatives'.
3. Bhimavarman (No. 26, L. 1) :
He is mentioned as a mahdraja and seems to have been a
feudatory king of Skandagupta. Bhima was the name of one
of the five Pandavas (the second son of Pandu) mentioned in
the Mahabharata. Literally the name may mean 'one who pro-
tects by awfulness'. Bhima is also the name of Rudra-Siva, one
of the eight forms of Siva. 43 Thus it may be a name based on
god Siva.
4. Hastivarmman (No. 1, L. 2) :
46 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
A king of Vengi in the time of Samudragupta and included in
the list of the Daksinapatha kings defeated by the latter. He
is identical with the king of the Salankayana dynasty whose
record has been found at Peddavegi. 44
It is a name based on animal. The name Hastin (elephant)
denotes fatness and valour.
5. Visvavarmman (No. 17, L. 14) :
A ruler (Goptr) in the time of Kumaragupta I. Literally the
name may mean 'a protector of the world'. There is a second
possibility that it is a name based on the deity Visnu, because
Visva meaning all-pervading or all-containing, omnipresent, 45
is also the name of Visnu-krsna.
One-word names
1. Acyuta (No. 1, L. 13) :
It is the same as Acyutanandin mentioned in line 21. 46 It is
the abbreviated form of the full name Acyutanandin where
the latter part is dropped. The abridged form 'Acyuta' leads to
the violation of the injunctions of the Dharma-sutras which
forbid giving direct names of gods to human-beings. Acyuta is
the name of god Visnu or Krsna. 47
2. Chagalaga (No. 3, L. 2) :
A maharaja, grandfather of a maharaja whose name in line 2 is
illegible and who belonged to the Sanakanika tribe or family,
who was a feudatory of Candragupta II. We find the word
Chagala literally meaning 'a hegoat' 48 in the Unadi-sutras of
Panini where it is the name of a Rsi. 49 It seems to be a non-
Aryan word. The words Chagala, Chagalaka or Chagalaga
mean the same. 50
3. Damana(No. 1, L. 19) :
A ruler of Erandapalla who was one of the Daksinapatha kings
conquered by Samudragupta. We get this name in the Maha-
bharata and the Puranas. Literally the word daman means
'taming, subduing, overpowering'; 51 hence the name may mean
'one who subdues or overpowers others'.
4. Dhananjaya (No. 1, L. 20) :
A ruler of Kusthalapura and one of the Daksinapatha kings
defeated by Samudragupta. The name has some connection
with the Epic. In the Mahabharata Dhananjaya is one of the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 47
epithets of Arjuna
Literally it would mean, 'one who wins a prize or booty or
acquires wealth'.
5. Kubera (No. I, L. 20) :
Ruler of Devarastra mentioned in the list of the kings of
Daksinapatha who were defeated by Samudragupta. According
to Bhandarkar Kubera was perhaps the father of Kubera-naga
of the Naga family, who was a queen of Candragupta II. 52 In
this case the name of Kubera, the god of wealth, has been
given directly which is against the rules prescribed by the
Grhya-sutras. 53
' 6. Madhava (No. 19, L. 3) :
Father of Goparaja, the feudatory of Bhanugupta; born of
Laksa lineage. It is the name of Lord Krsna given to this king
which violates the rules of Dharmasutras.
7. Matila(No. 1, L. 21) :
One of the kings of Aryyavartta defeated by Samudragupta.
According to Panini, 54 a polysyllabic name was sometime
shortened in order to express affection. Thus in the case of
names ending in 'ila' we find Devila being derived from Deva-
datta; Yajnila and Yajnadatta; Makhila from Makhadeva;
Agila from Agnidatta ; Satila from Svatidatta; Nagila from
Nagadatta, and Yasila, Yakhila from Yaksadatta. 55 Similarly
Matila can be formed from Matideva or Matidatta.
NAMES OF MINISTERS
1. Amrakarddava (No. 5, L. 5) :
Hailing from Sukuli-desa who loyally served Candragupta
II by fighting and winning many battles for him.
The first part of the name is based on the mango tree.
The second part is karddava. 56 It is the name of some Nagas
or serpent-demons thought to be inhabitants of the lower
regions. 57 Kadru is the name of the mother of serpents.
Kadrava by metathesis becomes Karddava which literally
means 'born of Kadru'. In south, among aboriginal people
and lower castes, the practice of matriarchal names is well
known. The whole term 'Amrakarddava' is inexplicable as one
word. Amra seems to be his personal name and Karddava his
family title.
48 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
2. Harisena(No. 1, L. 32) :
He is given several titles indicating offices held of a Khddya-
tapakika, 58 a Sdndhivigrahika, a Kumdrdmdtya and a Mahdda-
ndandyaka of Samudragupta. He is also the composer of this
inscription which has been termed as a kdvya. 59
Hari is Visnu or Krsna and sena is to be obtained from
Sanskrit sena. The name can be explained in two ways.
That Hari is his personal name and sena or sena his surname.
We may also explain it is, 'one with Hari as his army'. The
Mahabharata informs us that there was big army on the side
of the Kauarvas and there was only Hari, i.e., Lord Krsna on
the side of the Pandavas. The Paridavas could get Hari on
their side by foregoing the Yadava army to the Kauravas.
3. Vlrasena (No. 6, L.4) :
Hailing from Pataliputra he was Candragupta IPs minister
for peace and war by hereditary right 60 and accompanied the
king on his far-reaching military expeditions. The first part is
Vira which means 'brave' and the second is 'sena\ the whole
literally meaning 'one with a brave array'. Panini refers ta
Sendnta names in his Astadhyay!. 61 We find many such
names as Varisena, Rstisena, Bhlmasena and Ugrasena. 62
U.N. Roy conjectures the possibility of the composition
of the 'Prasasti 9 inscribed on the Meharauli Iron Pillar
Inscription by aba alias Vlrasena who was an accomplished
poet and a favourite minister of Candragupta II, Vikrama-
ditya. 63 It is possible that he outlived his patron and when
during a Dharmaydtrd he revisited the spot where the lofty
banner had been raised as a mark of homage to Lord Visnu
after the victory over the Vahlikas, was moved to compose-
and inscribe this Prasasti on the Meharauli Pillar. 64
Names of Commanders
1. Dattabhata (No. 32, L.7) :
A son of Vayuraksita, himself also a general of the armies
of king Prabhakara (appointed by him). We find here the word
'datta' used as the first part of the name. The second part is
'bhata* which means a 'warrior'.
2. Dhruvabhuti (No. I, L. 32) :
He was a mahadandanayaka and is mentioned in the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
49
Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. The first part is
dhruva which means 'firm' or definite and the second part is
bhuti which means 'wealth or prosperity', a surname generally
used for Vaisyas. Literally it would mean 'whose prosperity is
enduring'.
3. Gopasvamin (No. 40, L. 11; No. 21, L--I5):
In No. 40, he has been mentioned as aksapatalddhikrta, mahd-
pilupati and mahabaladhikrta. The Gay a spurious copper plate
inscription of Samudragupta (No. 21) was written by the order
of Dyuta-gopasvamin, aksapataladhikrta of another village.
Literally Gopasvamin means 'Lord of herdsmen' which is a
popular expression for Lord Krsna.
4. Harisena(No. 1,L. 32):"
He has been mentioned as a mahadandanayaka in the Allaha-
bad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. His name has already
been explained among the names of ministers.
5. Tilabhattaka^ (No. 1, L. 33) :
He was a mahadandanayaka and is mentioned in the Allahabad
Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta.
We find personal names with their first part as 'Tilakq 1 but
never as T/7#'. 66 In the present case also the first part of the
name was probably 'Tilaka' and the second was bhatta. Later
on by the process of metathesis the name may have become
'Tilabhattaka'.
Tilaka is a mark on the forehead (made with coloured
earths, sandal-wood, or unguents, either as an ornament of a
sectarial distinction), 67 the second part ' bhatta' is a surname.
6. Vayuraksita (No. 32, L. 5) :
He was a commander of the army (sendpati). The first part
of the name is Vayu standing for 'the god of the wind', 69 and
the second part is 'raksittf which means 'protected'. The full
name literally. means 'protected by the god of the wind'.
Names of Governors
1. Brahmadatta (No. 33, L. 2) :
An Uparika-mahdraja ruling over the Pundravardhana-bhukti
in the reign of Budhagupta. The name would literally mean,
*given by (the grace of) God'.
2. Cakrapdlita (No. 14, L. 11, L. 27) :
50 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Governor of Surastra in the reign of Skandagupta who restored
the break in the Sudarsana lake and renewed the embankment.
It has been shown by Charpentier that he was an Iranian. 70
We find many Iranians adopting names after Hindu gods. 71
Cakrapalita means 'one protected by the disc (bearer)', i.e., a
devotee of Visnu, a name adopted after this person became a
Vaisnava (Hindu). 72
3. Ciratadatta (No. 34, L. 2, L. 3) :
The first part Cirata can be a Prakritization of the word Kirata
which is the name of Siva (the god Siva in the form of a wild
mountaineer or Kirata as opposed to Arjuna). 73 Hence the
complete expression would literally mean 'begotton by the
grace of Kirata'.
4. Jayadatta(No. 33, L. 3) :
It is the name of an Uparika-mahdrdja in the reign of Budha-
gupta. Jaya is the name of Arjuna (son of Pandu). 74 The
second part 'datta' is a surname. It may thus be a name based on
the Epic. It may also be noted that Jayadatta was the name of a
Bodhisattva. 75
5. Vijayasena (No. 52, L. 16) :
He was a dutaka, mahdpratihdra, a mahapllupati, an uparika of
five adhikaranas , an uparika over a pati, an uparika over a
purapala, a mahardja and Sn mahdsdmanta during the reign of
Vainyagupta. The name can literally mean *one whose army
always wins'.
Names of ' Kumdrdmdtyas
1. Kulavrddhi (No. 44, L. 1) :
One of the Kumdrdmdtyas in the time of Kumaragupta I. This
is a very good name which literally means 'one who increases
the family'. A son is always considered to continue the genea-
logical sequence and hence to increase the family.
2. Prthivisena* 77 (No. 39, L. 7) :
The son of Sikharasvamin, the minister, and the kumdrdmdtya
mahdbalddhikrta of Candragupta II. He himself was the minis-
ter, the kumdrdmdtya and mahdbaiddhikrta of Kumaragupta I.
His grandfather was Visnupalitabhatta, 78 the son of Kuramara-
vyabhatta 79 of the gotras Asva and Vdjin and who was a teacher
of Chandoga (Veda).
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
51
3. Revajjasvamin (No. 52, L. 17)':
A kumaramatya in the time of Vainyagupta. The first partis
Revajja and the second svamin. Revajja can be derived from
revat which means rich or prosperous. 80 Thus the name would
literally mean 'master of the rich'.
4. Sikharasvamin (No. 39, L. 6) :
He was the minister and the kumaramatya of maharajadhiraja,
illustrious Candragupta II and was the son of Visnupalita-
bhatta, the son of Kuramaravyabhatta, a teacher of the Chan-
doga (Veda).
Sikhara means a peak or summit of a mountain, hence the
whole may literally mean 'one who is a master of sikhara\ The
name seems to represent Lord iva due to Siva's connection
with the Himalayas.
5. Vetravarman (No. 34, L. 4; No. 35, LL. 3-4) :
A kumaramatya in the time of Kumaragupta I. Vetra means
the rod or mace of an officer, or staff of a door-keeper. 81 So
the whole will literally mean 'one who protects by means of a
vetra\
Names of Ayuktakas (Commissioners or District collectors)
1 Acyutadasa (No. 43. L. 1) :
Acyuta is the name of Lord Visnu. So the present name would
literally mean 'a dasa or servant of Visnu'. According to the
smrtis the surname dasa should be used for Sudras. 82
*2. Bhamaha (No. 52, L. 17) :
He has beerr mentioned as a bhogika in this inscription. It was
also the name of the author of the Alarhkara-s'astra and of the
Prakrita-manorama (commentary on the Prakrita-prakaSa) 83
Literally the name may mean 'one possessing great light,
splendour or brightness'.
3. Candragupta (No. 40, L. 12) :
He is mentioned as a kumdra.^ This name has already been
explained among the names of the Gupta kings.
4. Devabhattaraka (No, 37, L. 3) :
He is mentioned to have ruled over the visaya of Kotivarsa.
The name is based on the name of Lord Sun. Devabhattaraka
seems to be a metathesis of Bhattarakadeva which means 'The
god Bhattaraka'.
52 PERSONAL ANP GEOGRARHIGAL NAMES
5. $a(ga)ndaka (No. 36, L, 3) :. .
D.C. Sircar takes the reading to be Gandaka which seems to
be correct. 85 One scholar 86 equates Sandaka with Sandaka
which means a 'bull' and. says that the word Gandaka yields
no sensible meaning. But Gandaka has been accepted as the
most probable reading by scholars. 87 Gandaka is the name of
a river in the northern part of India, 88 So the name Gandaka
based on the river Gandaki can be given to a person just as the
name Ganga based on the river Ganges is given to a person.
Gandaka is also the name of the Videhas living on the river
Gandaki 89 and also refers to a rhinoceros. 90 It is possible
that the present name, like Vyaghra discussed elsewhere is
based on the name of an animal.
6. Sarvvanaga (No. 16, LL. 4-5) :
He was a visayapati in the. reign of Skandagupta. Sarvva is the
name of Lord &iva 91 and naga may be a surname indicating
that the person belonged to the Naga tribe.
7. Svayambhu(u)deva (No. 37, I* .4)
He has been mentioned as a Visayapati in the Damodarpur
copper plate inscription of Bhanugupta. Literally the name
would mean -self-existent god', i.e., Brahma. As mentioned
earlier the practice of giving names of gods to human-beings
directly is against the tradition of th^Dharmasutra^/
.M :"'".. ,,..;;'
REFERENCES
1. Cf. ManavaGrhyasutra, L18.1-2;jRrFf
^TFTR^T sr^r^r srfgrfq^ i \ ^\] , .
: 2. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 141.
,3. Ibid.
4. Cf.No. l, L. 13 :
i
.5. No. l, L. 21 : ^s^-TrPcr^r-i M i* TI t
4 4-H T^^ =h I W ?=l Td r TT5T-5Rr^T t iiY^cr^ \<W%3: \ Cf. see note 15.
6. Fz. p. 883, col. 1
7. U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 69-73.
8. Fz. p. 172, col. 2, M.N. Sircar, 'Saivism'., vide Ky. pp. 316-35.
9. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 408 :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS ; > 4?
We know that the Hunas were thereatening to, |nyade the western
portion of the Gupta Empire about this time.
10. To which Naravarman of the Mandasor inscription of M.E. 461,
Visvavarman of the Gangdhar inscription of M.E. 480 and Bandhuvarman
of the Mandasor inscription of M.E. 493 belonged. See GJ. XII, p. 315 ff,
(Dx^No. 17 and 13.
11. GJ. Vol. 21, pp. 14-15.
12. Fz. p. 9, col. 2.
13. Ibid., p. 527, col. 1-2.
14. Ibid., col. 2.
15. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 139-40;
Acyutanandin seems to be the same as Acyuta mentioned in L, 13
of the inscription. Some scholars opine that Acyuta, Nagasena and
others attacked the newly anointed king but were uprooted by Samudra-
gupta (PJ., Suppl., pp. 24, 27, 37). We cannot give any definite reason for
the repetition of these names but it may be said that Samudragupta
exterminated them again' in "his Aryyavartta campaign.
16. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 36.
'The Nagas, of Padmavati give a prominent position to Siva's emblem
Tri'sula and vehicle Nandin, on their coins'.
Ibid., pp. 39-40 : A king named Acyuta had risen to power in
Ahicchatra (Rohilkhand) by the middle of 4th century A.D. From his
coinage it is clear that he was a Naga ruler, most probably a scion of a
collateral branch of Mathura family. He offered stubborn resistance to
Samudragupta but it proved of no avail. His kingdom was incorporated
in the Gupta empire.
17. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 421.
18. Fz. p. 509, col. 1. .
19. Ibid., col. 3, Hari is name of Visnu-Krsna (in this sense thought
by some to be derived from V'hr' to take away or remove evil or sin).
20. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 421.
21. Fz. p. 807, col. 1.
22. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. vol. I, part II, p. 33; Cf. R-C. Majumdar, Pg.
p. 145.
23. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 105.
"His name yields no sensible meaning, and seems to be "an Indiarii-
zation of an Iranian name Farna-data which represents an old Iranian
name Xvarenodata, meaning 'created by Majesty'; a name of the same
type as Ahura-data."
24. Fz. p. 606, col.. 2; Cf. Lith. sparne; H. Germ, varn, farn; A rgl
Sax. fearn, Eng. fern; Skt. parna (leaf); Xz. p. 437.
25. See the appendix III.
, 26. Ibid.
27. Fz. p. 355, col. 2.
28. No. 13, L. 11 : *r*Tfar-r(?r)-^9rT (^fTat^) (fa) c^rr...
29. HJ. Vol. 11, p. 362 f.n.
54 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
30.
31. (Dx) 1 . p. 32.
32. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 281, f. n. 8.
33. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 165-66.
34. R.K. Mookerjee, Ag. pp. 44-45.
35. A.C. Woolner, 'Prakrit and non-Aryan strata in the vocabulary of
Sanskrit', vide Kz. p. 70.
36. Fz. p. 775, col. 2.
37. Ibid., p. 566, col. 1.
38. Ibid., p. 1057, col. 2 :3rfcreTH-fa tl I H fol *'t?T, ^fto 1286 : ?n;?r:
Trftr^cH i <* ^ts&dn i <f<T i
39. JJ. Vol. I, p. 251; R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 146.
40. MJ. I, p. 228.
41. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p! 174.
42. No. 17, LL. 14-15 : d^k*H: ^TH^lMMWl SRjfsnft s^r
fs5rf%^T? JT<T-5R:R"rf fe (*) ^-T5T-Tq^^T: ||26ti
43. Fz. p. 758, col. 1.
44. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145.
45. Fz. p. 992,col.2.
46. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 139.
47. Supra, See note 15.
48. srr^TllMR'-dlHh^ 7 )^!, 9^0^275^ sr
49. S.C. Vasu, Og. Vol. I. p.*645.
Cf. Jz. p. 63.
50. Fz. p. 404, col. 1.
51. Ibid., p. 469, col. 3.
52. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 34.
53. Supra, See fn.l.
54. Panini, V.3.78; V.3.79; V 3.80.
55. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 191.
56. O. pp. 371-72, Panini 6/4/147.
57. Fz. p. 270, col. 2.
58. As told by D.C. Sircar, a recent suggestion is that it is a mistake
for Khadyakutapakika.
59. No. I, LL. 31-32.
60. Strqq-xiid-^lfc ^ ...I
61. IV.1.152;
Also see VIII. 3.99.
62. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 186.
63. U.N. Roy, Lz. p. 27.
64. Ibid., pp.25-26.
65. Infra, see Tilabhattaka' among the names of writers and
engravers.
66. Fz. p. 448, col. 12.
67. Ibid., col. 2.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
55
68. No. 32, L. 5 :
69. Fz. 942, col. 2.
TT^TT
70. See J. Charpentier, UJ. 1928, pp. 904-5.
71. Moti Chandra, (XJ) 1 . Vikrama Samvat, 2000, p. 184.
72. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 105.
73. Fz. p. 283, col. 3 : Bharavi wrote a Mahakavya named Kiratarju-
nlyam based on this theme;
D.C. Sircar, JJ. XIX, p. 13. Ciratadatta Sanskrit kiratadatta
74. Mal.abharata, IV.5. 35.
75. Fz. pp. 412-13.
76. Kumaramdtya is a technical official title and literally means 'coun-
sellor of the prince';
Cf. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 281-82.
77. No. 44, L. 1 iTfacftffr ^rTi^rere-aft^ iT*rerer v*ft $*\\<w\&\ (s)
78. Explained in Chapter V, see names ending in Bhafta.
79. Ibid.
80. Fz. 888, col. 1.
81. Ibid., p. 1015. col. 1.
82. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 103.
83. Fz. p. 753, col. 1.
84. No. 40, L. 12 : ^-sfM^rTO: I
85. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 337, note 1.
86. GJ. XV, p. 138.
87. R.B. Pandey, Wx. p. 107, note 4.
88. Fz. p, 344, col. 2.
89. Ibid.
90. Ibid., sfFmri^P^TPTpin^r ^ft<> 1287 :
91. Fz. p. 1057, col. 1.
-
Names of Local Officers
NAMES OF SRESTHINS (Bankers)
1. Ccha(cha)ndaka (No. 46, L.. 12) :
He is mentioned as the youngest son of a certain Hari-sresthin.
Chandaka means 'charming'. It was the name of Gautama
Buddha's charioteer. 1
2. Dhrtipala (No. 34, L. 5; No. 35, L. 4) :
It is the name of a nagara-srestliin (the guild-president of the
town). The first part of the name is based on the virtue 'DhrtV
(which mean firmness, resolution or command). 2 The second
part is Pala which means a guard, protector or keeper. 3 The
complete expression means 'an observer of firmness'. .
3. Hari-sresthin (No. 46, L. 1 1) :
He was the son of Kaivarttisresthin. While he and his father
are called sresthins, none of his sons is called sresthinor banker
by profession. Hari is the name of god Visnu or Krsna.
4. Kaivartti-sresthin (No. 46, L. 11) :
Kaivarta is a fisherman (born of prostitute by ksatriya or of an
Ayogava female by a Nisada father). 4 We may infer that his
mother was from the family of a fisherman and father belonged
to a Sresthin class.
5. Ribhupdla (No. 36, LL. 3-4; L. 5, L. 14; No. 37, L. 4) :
The orthographic change in the first letter is to be noted. 5
Ribhu here may mean property or wealth. 6 The whole may
thus mean, c a protector of property or wealth'. In No. 36
Ribhupala has been mentioned as a nagara-sresthin. In No. 37
he is also described as Aryya.
6. Srldatta (No. 46, LL. 11-22) :
He was the eldest son of Hari-sresthin and the grandson of
Kaivartti-sresthin. Sri is the goddess of wealth and datta means
given. The whole expression will mean, 'born by the grace o f
.IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 57
the goddess of wealth'.
7. Vargga, Vargga-gramika (No. 46, L. 12, L. 15) ,:
He was the middle son of Hari-^resthin. In L. 12 he is men^
tioned only as Vargga and in L. 15 as Vargga-gramika,- While
his father is called a sresthin he was not sresthin or banker by
profession. The word gramika affixed to Vargga's name suggests
that he was the headman of a village which seems to be no
other than Avadara. Vargga literally means *one who excludes
or removes or averts'. 7
NAMES OF PRATHAMA KULIKAS (Chief Artisans.)
1. Dhrtimitra (No. 34, L. 5; No. 35, L. 5) :
It is a name based on virtue, the first' part being Dhrti 'per-
severance' and the second' part 'mitrtf friend, the whole mean- 5
ing 'one who is friendly to perseverance', i.e., a man' full of
perseverance. Names ending in mitra 8 are very few 'in the
Vedic literature but seem to have been very popular in the
post-Paninian period. Coins 9 as well as the epigraphic records
show an abundant use of m/fra-ending names. 10
2. Matidatta (No. 37, L. 5) :
It is also a name based oil virtue, the first part being 'rnati 9
intellect and the second 'datta\ the whole meaning, 'begotton
by virtue of intellect'.
3. Varadatta (No. 36, L. 4) :
The first part is Vara meaning boon and the second is dattal
the whole meaning 'begotton by a boon'. Names ending in
datta were very popular in the time of Patanjali and figure
much in ancient Pali works. 11 It is a vaisya name-ending.
NAMES OF KULIKAS (Artisans)
We get only one name of a kuhka which occurs four times
in an inscription.
Bhlma (No. 43, LL. 3; 17, 19, 25) :
It is a name based on the Epic tradition. Bhlma was the name
of one of the five Pandavas in the Mahabharata and literally
means 'dreadful'.
NAMES OF PRATHAMA KAYASTHAS (Chief Scribes)
1. Sambapala (No. 34, LL. 5-6; No. 35, L. 5) :
58 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
The first part of the name Samba is to be derived from Samba
which literally means accompanied by Amba (Durga) and is
the name of Lord Siva. 12 It has been the name of a son of
Krsna and JambavatI as well as of several authors and teachers. 13
Pala is a name-ending suffix having the least significance in the
present case. Perhaps it has been added only to honour the
Grhyasutra injunction of not giving names of deities directly
to human-beings. 14
2. Skandapala (No. 37, L. 5) :
Skanda is the name of Karttikeya. Pala here is a mere name-
ending suffix which has the same significance as in the case of
Sambapala discussed above.
3. Viprapala (No. 36, L. 4) :
The first part is vipra which means a brahmana and the second
part is 'pala 9 which means 'protector', the whole thus meaning
'one who protects the brahmanas'. We do not get pala name-
ending in the Paninian period. It is a ksatriya name-ending.
NAMES OF KAYASTHAS (Scribes)
1. Devadatta (No. 43, L. 3):
The first part of the name is deva and the second is datta, the
whole meaning 'given by the gods'. This name was very popu-
lar in the time of Patanjali. 15
2. Krsnadasa (No. 43, LL. 3-4) :
The first part is based on the name of Lord Krsna and the
second part is dasa which means a servant, the whole thus
meaning 'one who is a servant of Lord Krsna'.
3. Laksmana (No. 43, L. 3) :
It is a name based on the Epic tradition. Laksmana was the
younger brother of Rama and his name literally means 'endowed
with auspicious signs or marks, lucky, fortunate'. 16
4. Naradatta (No. 52, L. 18) :
The first part is Nara which here means the primeval man or
eternal spirit pervading the universe, i.e.,Purusa (always associa-
ted with Narayana 'son of the primeval man'). Both Nara and
Narayana are considered as gods or sages and accordingly
called devau, rsi, tapasau. 17 The second part is datta, the whole
meaning 'given by the eternal spirit pervading the universe'.
He seems to have been a scribe belonging to the office of the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
59
minister for peace and war. 18
5. Prabhucandra (No. 43, L. 3, L. 25) :
The first part is Prabhu which is one of the names of Lord
Siva in the Mahabharata. 19 The second is candra, the whole
meaning 'a moon, (on the forehead) of Siva. 20
6. Rudradasa (No. 43, L. 3, L. 25) :
The first part is Rudra which is another name of Lord Siva,
and the second is dasa meaning 'a slave or servant'; the whole
thus means 'one who is a servant of Lord Siva'.
7. (Vinayada)tta (No. 43, L. 3) :
The first part is Vinaya and the second is datta. It is a name
based on virtue. It may literally mean, 'born by virtue of
modest speech or prayer'.
NAMES OF THE PRATHAMA PUSTAPALAS
(Chief Record-keepers)
1. Bhatanandin (No. 37, L. 11) :
The first part is Bhata and the second is nandin. Bhata here is
the name of a serpent-demon. 21 The whole means 'one who is
an attendant of Bhata'. The other meaning of Bhata is scholar
which is not applicable here.
2. Divakaranandin (No. 28, L, 10) :
The first part is 'Divakara' (day-maker), which is another name
of god Sun. 22 Nandin here is a name-ending suffix literally
meaning 'the happy one' and is the name of Visnu, Siva and
an attendant of Siva. This name-ending was not known in the
time of Panini. According to Sankalia names directly after
deities were probably after the family-god, 23 which in the pre-
sent case seems to have been Siva. It is possible that the first
part of the name was connected with same deity and than the
name of the family-deity was added as the name-ending surname.
The word nandin is generally used to refer to 'an attendant
of Siva' or the vdhana 'nandin 9 bull of Siva. So the name
Divakarnandin may literally mean 'an attendant of god Sun'.
The word Nandin also means 'gladdening'. 24 So another inter-
pretation can be 'one who pleases or wins over Lord Sun'.
3. Gopadatta (No. 37, L. 11) :
The first part is Gopa and the second is datta. Gopa literally
meaning cowherd is a syno.nym for Lord Krsna. 25 So it would
60 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
mean 'born by the grace of Lord Krsna'. Names ending in datta
are common in Buddhist literature. 26
4. Nara(na)ndin (No. 37, L. 10) :
The first part Nara here means the primeval or eternal spirit
pervading the universe, 27 the second part is nandin; the whole
meaning 'one who is an attendant of Nara'. It may also mean
'one who pleases or wins over Nara' or the one pleasing (other)
human-beings.
NAMES OF PUSTAPALAS (Record-keepers)
Names ending in Dasa
1. Arkkadasa (No. 44, L. 10) :
Arkka is the name of god Sun 28 and dasa means servant; the
whole meaning 'one who is a servant of god Sun'.
2. Haridasa (No. 28, L.10) :
The first part is Hari which means 'god'. It is a name
given to many gods, 29 but generally it is used for Visnu or
Krsna. The second part is dasa. The whole literally means
'one who is an attendant of Hari'.
3. Patradasa (No. 36, L. 6, L. 8) :
Patra means a letter or documents, and dasa means 'a
servant'. Thus the whole may literally mean, 'one who is a
servant to letters or documents' which is a very befitting name
for a record-keeper.
4. Ramadasa (No. 28, L. 10) :
The first part is Rama which refers to Lord Rama of the Epic
Ramayana and the second is dasa, the whole meaning 'a
servant of Lord Rama'.
Names ending in Datta
1, Durgadatta (No. 44, L. 10) :
Durga is the name of a goddess who is worshipped in
navaratras, datta means 'given', the whole- meaning 'given by
goddess Durga'.
2. Risidatta (No. 34, L. 10) : Risidatta* (No. 35, L. 7) :
We get this word in above two forms but the first form is
more accurate though not fully correct due to orthographic
differences. The correct form should be 'Rsidatta'. The first part
'JRsi 9 means 'a sage' and 'datta' means given, the whole
IN THE GUPTA 'INSCRIPTIONS ,61
meaning 'given by (the grace of) a sage'.
3. Vibhudatta (No. 34, L. 10; No. 35, L. 7) :
'Vibhu' means all-pervading, and is applied to the names of
several important gods, Brahma, Visnu, Siva, the Sun, Kubera
and Indra 32 and 'datta* means 'given'. The whole thus literally
means 'given by the all-pervading, i.e., God'.
4. Visnudatta (No. 36, L. 9) :
The first part is Visnu and the second d#/ta,the whole thus
literally meaning, 'given by god Visnu'.
Names ending in Nandin
1. Jayanandin (No. 34, L. 10; No. 35, L. 7) :
Jaya is the name of Indra, 33 and nandin means 'an atten-
dant', the whole meaning 'one who is an attendant of Lord
Indra' or by the other meaning explained elsewhere, 34 it. may
mean 'one who pleases or wins over Indra'.
2. Sasinandin (No. 28, L. 10) :
The first part is Sasi meaning moon and .the second is nandin,
the whole literally meaning 'one who is an attendant of
the god Moon' or the one who pleases or wins over god Moon.
3. Simhanandin (No. 43, L. 4; L. 17) :
The first part Simha means, lion, may indicate the lion of
goddess Durgd. The second part is nandin, the whole thus
meaning 'an attendant of Simha' or the one who pleases or
wins over 'Simha'. It may be noted that in Hindu religion the
vahana f of a god is equally important and and is -an- object of
worship. '
4. Sthdnunandin (No. 36, L. 10) :
The Sanskrit form of the first part Sthanu is sthanu. It is the
name of Lord Siva (who is supposed to remain as motionless
as the trunk of a tree during his austerities). 35 Nandin means 'an
attendant'. The whole thus literally means 'one who is an
attendant of Lord Siva 36 or the one who pleases or wins over
Lord Siva.
5. Vijayanandin (No. 36, L. 9) :
Vijaya is the name of god yama, 37 according to the lexi-
cographical works, of a son of Jayanta (son of Indra), of a son
of vasu-deva; of a son of Krsna and of an attendant of Visnu,
and nandin means 'an .attendant', or the one who pleases or
62 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
wins over lord Yama. This name has been very frequently used
in ancient literature. 38 We are not sure to what god the name
connotes the meaning.
Miscellaneous
1. Dhrtivisnu (No. 28, L. 10) :
The first part is Dhrti which means resolution or satisfac-
tion. It is a name based on virtue. The second part Visnu gives
no meaning to the first part; it has only been added probably
as the family deity. 39
2. Virocana (No. 28, L. 10) :
It is the name of the god Sun, literally meaning 'illumina-
ting'. 40 It is thus a case of the name of a god directly given
to a man which is against the rules prescribed by the Smrtis.
3. Yasodama (No. 43, L. 4, L. 17) :
Yasas means fame and dama means a garland, 41 the whole
thus meaning 'a garland of fame'. It was used as a proper
name quite frequently in ancient period. 42
NAMES OF THE VlTHl-MAHATTARAS (Vlthl-elders)
1. Ganda (No. 43, L. 4) :
According to lexicographers Ganda means 'the chief; best,
excellent' 43 and thus can signify a hero. The term is also used
for the animal rhinoceros, so it can also be a case of a name
based on the name of an animal.
The custom of deriving names from animals was unknown
in the Vedic pericd. 44 But in Panini we find such references. 45
2. Harisimha (No. 43, L. 5) :
The first part is Hari which is the name alike of Visnu,
Krsna, Moon, Vayu (the god of the Wind) and according to
lexicographers of Siva. 46 The Second part 'sirhhcf has the
purpose only of a surname and does not give any sensible
meaning to the first part. In modern practice the word 'simha*
is used as a surname of ksatriya, thakur and rajput castes.
3. Jyesthadama (No. 43, LL.4-5) :
The first part of the word is Jyestha literally meaning elder.
Here it may stand for Jyestha Linga described in the Linga
Purana. 4 ? The second part dama means 'a garland'. 48 The whole
thus literally means, 'a garland of Jyestha Linga' and testifies
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 63
to the popularity of the Jyestha Linga as an object of religious
reverence.
4. Kumdradeva (No. 43, L. 4) :
Kumara is the name of Karttikeya, the son of Lord Siva
and deva means 'god', the whole thus meaning 'god Karttikeya'.
5. Prajapati (No. 43, L. 4) :
Prajapati means 'lord of creatures'. It was originally applied
to the supreme god and later on to Visnu, Siva and Brahma. 49
It is also a name against the rules prescribed in the Dharma-
sutras, the names of gods being prohibited to be directly given
to human-beings.
6. Rdmasarman (No. 43, L. 4) :
The first part of the name is Rama based on the name of
Lord Rama of the Epic Ramayana. The second part is 'sarman 9
meaning 'comfort or happiness' and is often used at the end
of the names of brahmanas, they being the well-wishers of
society.
7. Svamicandra (No. 43, L. 5) :
The first part is svamin meaning lord or master which
according to lexicographers is the name of Lord Siva. 50 The
second part is candra, the whole thus literally meaning 'a Moon
on (the forehead of) Lord (Siva)'.
8. Umayasas (No. 43, L. 4) :
The first part is Uma and the second yasas. According to
lexicographers Uma means a city, town or landing-place, 51 and
yasas means fame. The whole thus literally means 'one who
has fame in the city'.
NAMES OF MAHATTARAS (Village-headmen)
1. (De)vakirtti (No. 29, L. 4) :
The first part is 'Deva' which means 'god' and the second part
is kirttij meaning 'fame'. The whole expression means 'having
fame like that of the gods'.
2. Devasarmman (No. 29, L. 5) :
The first part of the word 'Deva' means 'god' and the second
part 'sarmmarf is a name-ending added to the name of
brahmanas as prescribed by the DharmaSastras.
3. Gopala (No. 29, L. 5) :
Literally meaning one who tends or protects cows, is a synonym
64 PERSONAL AND- GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
for Lord Krsna.. In this case also the name is against the rules
prescribed by the Dharmasastras.
4. Gosthaka (No. 29, L. 4) :
It is an abbreviated name, with the addition of suffix 'ka'.
Literally it means 'belonging to an assembly or society'. 52
5. Kdla (No. 29, L. 4) :
Kala means time and as destroying all things, signifies death
or time -of death (often personified and represented with the
attributes of Yama). Kala personified is also a Devarsi in
Indra's- court,- and is also the name of a son of Dhruva. 53
6. Khasaka(No.29, L. 5) :
It is an abbreviated name with the addition of suffix 'ka' which
according to Panini is used to denote : :
(i) Depreciation. 54
(ii) Endearment. 55
It is a non-Sanskritic word most probably a local or dialec-
tal feature. Here */:' suffix may have been used in the sense
of endearment meaning a "poor khasa": Khasa is the name of
a people and of their country (in the north of India). 56 Khasaka
can be native of that country or a man belonging to that race
(considered as a degraded ksatriya). 57
7. Ksemadatta (No. 29, L.-4) :
The first part is ksema which- means ease, security or pros-
perity. 58 The second part is l datta\ Thus the whole literally means
'given by prosperity'. It may signify that the family became
prosperous just before his birth. We find many names based on
the word 'ksema' in ancient Sanskrit literature. 59
8. Pingala (No. 29, L. 4) :
It is a one-word name based on colour and means 'reddish-
brown', 'yellow' or 'gold-coloured'. 60
9. Rama (No. 29, L. 6) :
If is another one-word name. Here the name of Lord Rama,
the Epic hero, has been given directly to a person against the
rules of theSmrtis. We may suggest that in such cases either the
second part is dropped or is not given at all by the parents.
10. Ramaka (No. 29 L. 5) :
It is also an abbreviated name possibly from Rama-datta (Cf.
Panini V. 3.82) with the addition Of the suffix 'ka'. In the Agni
Purana it is the name of Rama Raghava. 61 It is formed from
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 65
\/ram and means delighting, gratifying. 62 According to lexico-
graphers a Ramaka is a Magadha who lives as a messenger. 63
But here it is a personal name based on the Epic hero Lord
Rama.
11. Sivanandin (No. 44, LL, 3-4) :
The first part is iva and the second nandin, the whole literally
meaning 'an attendant of Lord Siva'.
12. Somapdla (No. 29, L. 6) :
Soma is nectar (the beverage of the gods called Amrta) and
pa/a means 'protector'. Thus the whole literally means 'pro-
tector or guardian of Amrta'. It is the name of several men in
the Rajatarangini 64 and in plural it is the name of the Gan-
dharvas (as keeping especial guard over Soma). 65
13. Sribhadra (No. 29, L. 6) :
!ri is the name of the goddess of wealth, the wife of Visnu and
bhadra means 'blessed'. Thus the whole literally means 'blessed
by the goddess of wealth'.
14. Swikdka (No. 29, L. 4) :
It is also an abbreviated name with the addition of suffix 'ka\
The word should have been Sankuka instead of Sunkaka.
The present form may be due to the mistake of the engraver.
The word Sunkaka is meaningless. anku is the name of Lord
Siva. We have many names based on the word Sanku in lite-
rature. Sarikuka was the name of a poet (author of the
Bhuvanabhyudaya and son of Mayura), 66 and also of a writer
on rhetoric. 67
15. Varggapala (No. 29, L. 4) :
The first part is Vargga which means 'a separate division,
group, company, family, party', literally meaning 'one who
excludes or removes or averts'. 68 The second part is pdla
meaning protector, thus the whole means 'protector of the
division, group or party'. .
16 Visnubhadra (No. 29, L. 5) :
The first part is Visnu and the second 'bhadrcf, the whole lite-
rally meaning 'blessed by (god) Visnu'.
17 Visnu (No. 29, L. 5) :
The first part is lost and the second part is visnu. Visnu was
probably the family-god of this person.
6,6 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Names of writers and engravers
1. Dhruvasarman (No. 10, L. 9, L. 13) :
The lofty pillar ( Inscription No. 10), 'firm and excellent' was
caused to be made by Dhruvasarman.
The first part of the name is 'Dhruva ' the Polar star. Panini
deals at length with names derived from stars. 69 The second
part of the name is *sarman\ which is a common surname for
a brahmana.
. 2. Gopasvamin (No. 21, L. 15) :
The Gaya spurious copper plate inscription of Samudragupta
was written by the order of Dyuta Gopasvamin, the Aksapata-
ladhikrta of another village. 70 His name has already been ex-
plained among the names of Commanders
l.Harisena (No. 1, L. 32) :
The draft of the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta
which is termed as a 'kavya' was composed by Harisena. 72 :;i y&
4. Ravila (No. 32, L. 15) : ; >. ...
Ravila has been mentioned as the writer of the draft of the
Mandasor Stone Inscription of Malava Sam vat 524 (A. D. 467). 73
It is a name ending in /70. 74 It seems to be an abbreviated form
of Ravidatta just as Devila of Devadatta. 75 Thus it is a name
based on the deity Sun and originally signified one given by the
Sun.
5. Snbhadra (No. 29, L. 17) :
He engraved the Dhanaidaha Copper Plate Inscription of
Kumaragupta I. Srlbhadra is the name of a serpent-demon in
the Buddhist literature. $rl is goddess Laksmland bhadra means
auspicious, happy, beautiful, lovely, good or gracious. Thus
literally Sribhadra means 'one who is (made) happy by goddess
Laksmi'.
6. Stha(sta)mbhesvara-dasa (No. 29, L. 17) :
He is the writer of the Dhanaidaha Copper Plate Inscription of
Kumaragupta I. Stambhesvara is the name of Lord Siva 76 and
dasa means 'a servant or devotee'. So the whole will literally
mean 'one who is a devotee of Lord Siva'.
7. Tilabhattaka (No. 1, L. 33) :
The Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta was inscri-
bed by Mahadan dandy aka Tilabhattaka, who is described as
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 67
meditating on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka. 77 The name
has already been discussed among the names of Commanders.
8. Vatsabhatti (No. 17, L 23) :
The Mandasor Stone Inscription of Kumaragupta and Bandhu-
varman (the Malava years 493 and 529) was composed by
Vatsabhatti. 78 Vatsa is often used as a term of endearment
(=my dear child). 79 Originally it was used for a calf, then for
the young of any animal and finally for any offspring or chiltf.
The child or the young of any animal being lovely, it became
a term of endearment. The second part of the present name
is bhatti which is a variation of bhatta. Bhatti is formed from
'bhartf meaning 'lord'. 80
, _.
Miscellaneous
(No. 16, L. 8):
He was the head of the guild of oilmen of Indrapura. Jlvanta
is a one-word name. Literally it means 'long-lived', 81 which
shows the wish of the parents for the child to live long. It was
the name of a man in the time of Panini. 82
2. Mara (visa) (No. 55, LL. 2-3) :
He was the father of Damasvaminl who raised a pillar at^
Rajaghat, Varanasi, in memory of her parents. The first part
of the name is Mara which is the name of the god of love who
in the Buddhist literature is described as the greatest enemy of
the Buddha and his religion. 83 The second part of the name is
not legible. If it is visa then the whole can literally mean 'one
who is a poison for the god of love', i.e., a man of great
self-control whom the arrows of Mara cannot affect.
3. Samghila (No. 22, LL. 5-6) :
He was a soldier who has been mentioned as an 'AsvapatV.
Samghila is a name ending in '//a'. 84 It is an abbreviated form
of the full name 'Samghadatta'.
In Sand inscriptions we find several names with /to-ending
e.g., Agila (Agnidatta), Satila (Svatidatta), Nagila (Nagadatta),
Yakhila (Yaksadatta), Samghila (Samghadatta). 85
4 .......... F/5fzw(No. 29, L. 7) :
It is the name of some officer whose name appears to have the
ending Visnu who may have been his family-deity. The first
part is not legible.
68 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
REFERENCES
1. Fz. p. 405, col. 1.
2. Ibid., p. 519, col. 2-3.
3. Ibid., p. 622, col. 3.
4. Ibid., p. 311, col. Ill; cf. infra, ch. IV.
5. It isf?:r instead of ^j.
6. Fz. p. 226, col. 2.
7. Ibid., p. 923, col. 3.
8. Panini, VI. 2. 165.
9. P.L. Gupta, Coins, p. 39. R. pp. 90-91.
10. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 185.
11* JJ. Vol. XIV, pp. 242-43.
12. Fz. p. 1207.
13. Ibid.
14. Manava Grhya, I. 18. 1-2.
15. Mahabhasya, Vol. I, p. 38 :
?n*r
16. Fz. p. 892, col. 2.
17. Ibid., pp. 528-29.
18. fafW flfHlfail^lPT (fa
Also see Hz. p. 343, note 7. The relevant expression has been trans-
lated by Bhattacharya (JJ. VI, p. 55, L. 18, see translation) as written
by karana-kayastha Naradatta. But this is incorrect. The intended read-
ing was adhikarana which stand for 'office'.
19. Fz. p. 684, col. 3.
20. Cf. faf;g- : ^\&% tfdmt MtnsmtH sf^ I
TT u
Narayana Pandita, HitopadeSa, Prastavika, p. 1, v. 1.
21. Fz. p. 745, col. 1.
22. Fz. p. 478, col. 3.
23. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 115.
24. Fz. p. 527, col. 2.
25. Fz. p. 368, col. 1.
26. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 187.
27. Fz. pp. 528-29.
28. Fz. p. 89, col. 1.
29. Ibid., p. 1289, col. 2-3.
30.
32. Fz. p. 978, col. 3.
33. Ibid., p. 412, col. 3.
34. See Divakaranandin.
35. Fz. p. 1262, col. 3.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 69
36. Cf., Names ending in Nandin, GJ. Vol. II, p. 95.
37. Fz. p. 960, col. 1.
38. Ibid.
39. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 115.
40. Fz. p. 983, col. 2.
41. Ibid., p. 475, col. 1.
42. Ibid., pp. 474-475.
43. Ibid., p. 344, col. 1.
44. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 186.
45. Panini, II. 1.56 : ;gtrfaf
Cf. Panini, V. 3.81. The names of species adopted as personal
names, e.g. Vyaghraka, Simhaka.
46. Fz. p. 1289, col. 3.
47. Ibid., p. 426, col. 3.
48. Ibid., p. 475, col. 1.
49. Ibid., p. 658. col. 2-3.
50. Ibid., p. 1284, col. 1; cf. G. Buhler, GJ. Vol. II, p. 95. Names with
'svamin 9 as their first part are Saivite names.
51. Fz. p. 217, col. 1.
52. Ibid., p. 367, col. 2.
53. Ibid., p. 278, col. 1.
54. Kutsite, Panini, V. 3.75, e.g. Puranaka, name of a servant.
55. Panini, V. 3.76, etc.
56. Fz. p. 338, col. 3.
57. Ibid.
58. Ibid., p. 332, col. 3.
59. Ibid., p. 332, col. 3; p. 333, col.l.
60. Ibid., p. 624, col. 3.
61. Ibid., p. 878, col. 2.
62. Panini, VII, 3, 34.
63. Fz. p. 878, col. 2.
64. Bz. p. 165.
65. Fz. p. 1250, col. 2.
66. Bz. p. 193.
67. Fz. p. 1047, col. 2.
68. Ibid., p. 923, col. 3.
69. Panini, IV. 3.34; 36, 37; VIII. 3.100; Jy. pp. 189-90; JJ. Vol. XIV,
pp. 224; 238-40.
70. No. 21, L. 15 : 3T^T ^Pn^Md
71. His name has alreadybeen explained among the names of ministers.
72. No. 1, L.L. 31-32 :
73. No. 32, L. 15 :
74. Panini, V. 3.79.
70 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
75. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 191.
76. Stambha and Sthanu are just synonyms both meaning pillar and
displaying qualities of stiffness, firmness or fixedness. (Fz. pp. 1258 and
1262). Sthanvisvara is the name of a Linga of Siva, (Fz. pp. 1262-63) and
hence Stambhesvara also represents the same.
77. No. 1, L. 33 : sFTpss^f ^ <R*WT2T<;i>~MT<f RWI IcH ^K^HN4-f^rHdd3H \
Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 17 translates it as 'And the accomplishment of the
matter has been effected by the Mahadandanayaka Tilabhattaka, who
meditates on the feet of the Paramabhattaraka (i.e., Candragupta II)'. It
is all due to the fact that Fleet considered this inscription as posthumous
((Dx) 1 , p. 1). The word Paramabhattaraka here applies to Samudra-
gupta as the pillar was set up during the life-time of the great emperor.
See: Majumdar, Pg. p. 137.
78. No. 17. L. 23 : g^r? %zf sq^fa Tf^TT ^cH^ferr I
79. Fz. p. 915, col. 3
80. Ibid., p. 745, col. 1, 2.
^81. Ibid., p. 423, col. 2.
$2. Panmi, IV. 1.103 : Jaivantayana Jaivanti, i.e., one who belongs to
the family of Jlvanta ; Jz. p. 62.
83. Fz. p. 811, col. 3.
84. Panini, V. 3.79.
85. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 191. -
Names of Householders and
Traders
NAMES OF HOUSEHOLDERS
Names ending in Bhadra
1. Acyutabhadra (No. 43, L. 11) :
Bhadra is the name of Lord Siva. Acyuta means 'firm' or
'solid'. Thus Acyutabhadfa has the same meaning as that of
Sthanu Siva. 1 The name is based on the quality of firmness of
Lord Siva.
2. Ratibhadra (No. 43, L. II) :
Rati is often personified as one of the two wives of Kamadeva,
together with Priti. 2 Bhadra is the frame of Lord Siva. The
name depicts the quality of kindness of Lord Siva who had
put cupid, the husband of Rati ? to ashes for disturbing his
penance but who at the prayer of Rati madehirii alive to 'reside
in all men but without a body. Ratibhadra can also literally
mean a man skilful in rati? i.e. sexual enjoymerit.
Sl Vr .:f/Tr*Y
Names ending in Bhava ;> ,
1. Kumarabhava (No. 43, L.5) :
Kumara is another name of Skanda or Karttikeya 4 and Bhava is
the name of Lord Siva. So it is also a name formed by combining
the names of two deities. We find several names with Kumara
as the first word. Cf. Kumarasvamin, Kumaraharita, Kumara-
bhatta 5
2. Rudrabhava (No. 43, L. 6) :
It will mean born by (the grace of) Siva.
Names ending in Dasa
1. Kuladasa (No. 43, L. 10):
72 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Kula means 'race, family, community'. 6 Dasa means servant.
So the whole will literally mean 'a servant of the community or
family'. Dharmasastras prescribe 'ddstf to be used by sudras at
the end of their names but we do not find any strict adherence
to this rule by the society. Data-ending names show devotion.
We have such names as 'Kulabhusana' based on the word
fate'.
2. Matrdasa (No. 7, L. 4) :
Mdtr means 'mother' or the divine mothers (considered to be
7, 9 or 16 in number). 7 So it will literally mean 'a servant of
the divine mothers'.- ,~ :
3. Narayanatasd* (No.~43, L. 10) :
It is to be taken as 'Narayanadasa' literally meaning f a servant
of the god'.
4. Sarvvadasa (No. 43, L.;I2) :. ,
$aryvais another name of Lord Siva 9 . So te whole will
literally mean *a servant of Lord Siva'.
- 3s, i
Names ending in Datta
1. Bhavadatta (No, 43, L. 8) ;
Bhava is the name of Lord Siva and datta means 'given'.
The whole literally means 'given by Lord Siva'. Such names
show devotion towards a particular deity.
2. Jayadatta(No. 43, L. 11) :
Java is the name of an attendant of Visnu, 10 and datta means
'given'. The whole will literally mean 'given by Jaya'. It is a
name based on the deity Visnu. 11 Jayadatta was the name of
a king in the Kathasaritsagara, of a minister in the Raja-
tarafigini, of the author of the ASvavaidyaka, of a Bodhi-
sattva and of a son of Indra. 12 We find many personal names
with the first part 'Jaya' in the Rajataranginl. 13
3. Krsnadatta (No. 43, L. 8) :
The first part Krsna refers to Lord Krsna and the second part
datta means given, thus the whole means 'given by Lord Krsna'.
4. Simhatta^ (No. 43, L. 10) :
It should be taken as Sirhhadatta. Sirhhadatta meaning 'lion-
given' 15 was the name of an Asura; it has also been the name
of a poet. 16
It is a name based on the Zodiacal sign Leo or its lagna.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 73
A child born in such lagna may be named as Simhadatta. 17
Names ending in Deva
1. Bhadradeva (No. 30, L. 5) :
Bhadra means 'auspicious, gracious, kind' and deva means 'god'.
So the whole will literally mean 'a gracious god'.
2. Dhanyadeva(No. 30, L. 5) :
Dhanya also means 'fortunate, auspicious'. 18 Thus the complete
name will literally mean 'an auspicious god'.
3. Harideva (No. 30, L. 5) :
Hari is generally applied to Visnu-Krsna (in this sense thought
by some to be derived from \/hr 'to take away or remove evil
or sin). 19 Hence the whole expression will literally mean 'god
Visnu or Krsna'.
4. Ndgadeva (No. 33, L. 10) :
It will literally mean the serpent-god. In Sanskrit literature we
find several authors with this name. 20
5. Naradeva (No. 43, L. II) :
It would literally mean 'the god of men' i.e. a king'. It has also
been the name of an author. 21
6. Samghadeva (No. 30, L. 5) :
It would literally mean 'god of the Order (Buddhist)'. "To
whom the Order (Buddhist) is supreme".
7. Srideva (No. 30, L. 5) :
Literally it means 'god of fortune or wealth, i.e. Visnu'.
Names ending in Kunda
The word 'kunda? here yields no meaning when combined
with the first part. It has only been used as a surname.
I. Kdmanakunda (No. 43, L. 11) :
It should be taken as Kamanakunda. The word kamana means
'desire'. The second part 'kunda' seems to be a family surname.
Literally it means a bowl, pitcher, a vessel for coals, or around
hole in the ground (for receiving and preserving water or fire.
Cf. Agnikunda). 22 It is a Dravidian word. 23 We have the
names of mohallas ending in 'kunda', such as Durgakunda,
Agastyakunda, Laksmlkunda in Varanast.
As a surname, we find its use for the Nagara brahmanas. 2 *
We find many brahmana surnames popular among the 'kayas-
74 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
thas of Bengal. 25 'Kunda' though originally a brahm ana sur-
name is now a non-brahmana surname in Bengal. Some of the
people possessing the kunda surname are found to be oil-men
by profession. Its corrupt form kundu is also found.
2. Piccakunda (No. 43, L. 12) :
Picca means 'the heaven or next birth'. 26 It can also be the
corrupt form of t pitf which means the fathers, forefathers,
ancestors, especially the Pitris or deceased ancestors. 27
3. Pravarakunda (No. 43, L. 12) :
Pravara means most excellent, chief, eminent, distinguished.
We find several instances of the names of kings and places with
the first part l Pravara' .^
4. Sivakwida (No. 43, L. 6) :
The name is based on the deity Siva.
Names ending in Mitra
1. Kfsnamitra (No. 43, L. 6) :
Literally it may mean 'one who loves Krsna or is a friend of
Krsna\ It may signify devotion of Sakhyabhava. It was also the
name of the son of Ramasevaka (grandson of Devidatta, author
of the Manjusa Kuficika). 29 '.
2; Prabhamitra (No. 43, L. 6) :
Prabha is a Prakritised form of Prabhu meaning God. So the
whole will mean 'God's friend'. Such names show devotion to
the respective deities.
Names ending in Naga
1. Rajyanaga (No. 43, L. 10) :
Rajya means 'kingly, princely or royal'; it also means 'king-
dom, country or realm'. 31 Naga means serpent. So the whole
literally means 'a royal naga'. Naga is prefixed as well as suffixed
to names. It shows a trend towards serpent worship. The
use of Rajya as the first part of the name is also not without
parallels. 32
2. Viranaga (No. 43, L. 10) :
Vlra means brave, eminent or chief. We can find many names
with the first word 'Vira'. The whole literally means 'a brave
or eminent serpent'.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS - 75
Names ending in Natha
\ Bhavanatha (No. 43, L.10) :
The first part, 'Bhava' here means 'the world'. 33 The second part
'Nathcf means 'a protector, owner, lord' 34 and is used both as
the first part as well as the second part of the name for
example in the names Natha-malla, Natha-simha, Nathananda-
muni, Nath'oka etc. 35 Bhavanatha would literally mean here
'the lord of the world', i.e. the god Bhavanatha, was the name
of an author. 36 The word Bhava is also the synonym of Lord
Siva so it is to be counted as a Saivite name.
2. Snnatha (No. 43, L. 7) :
Sri is the goddess of wealth, wife of Visnu. Srindtha would
literally mean 'the Lord of Sri', i.e. the deity Visnu.
Names ending in Pdlita and Raksita
1 . Sarppapalita (No. 43, L. 9) :
The first part Sarppa means a serpent and the second part
palita means 'protected*. Thus the whole literally means 'pro-
tected by serpents'. The name shows a tendency of the family
towards serpent-worship.
2. Bhavaraksita (No. 43, L. 12) :
Bhava is the name of Lord Siva 37 and raksita means 'protec-
ted'. Thus the whole would literally mean 'protected by Lord
Siva'. The name shows a fondness of the family for the deity
Siva.
Names ending in Sarmman
Sarmman a brahmana surname is the common ending for
the following names. It means a shelter, protection comfort,
bliss, etc. 38
1. Ahisarmman (No. 43, L. 8) :
The whole will literally mean 'a shelter for the serpents'.
2. Guptasarmman (No. 43, L. 7) :
It would literally mean 'a hidden resort'. We can find many
names with the first part 'Gupta\ e.g., Guptanatha, Gupte-
Svara, etc.
3. Harisarmman (No. 43, L. 7) :
Hari means lord Visnu or Krsna. We have also such names
as Visnusarman and Sivasarman where the first part is
76 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
based on the name of a certain deity. The second part
Sarman gives no meaning here to the first part.
4. Himasarmman (No. 43, L. 9) :
Hima 39 means snow or winter. G. Biihler 40 takes the mean-
ing of hima as 'the moon'. So we can say that the name is
based on the deity moon. The word Sarman signifies only
a surname. It has got no meaning as the part of the name.
Or we may say that the name is based on the winter
season, 41
5. Kaivarttasarman(No 43, L. 9) :
The word Kaivartta means 'a fisherman (born of a prosti-
tute by a fcsatriya; or of an Ayogava female by a Nisada
father). 42 We also come across a name 'Kaivartti-Sresthin' in
No. 46, L. II. The name Kaivarttasarmman may signify the
profession of the person who was by birth a brahmana. The
word Sarman here yields no meaning when combined with the
first part; it is only significant of a brahmana surname.
6. Kramasarmman (No. 43, L. 8) :
Krama means uninterrupted or regular progress, hereditary
descent. 43 It may literally mean 'one who protects the family
by causing increase in descent (by his birth)'.
7. Laksmanasarmman (No. 43, L. 8) :
The name is based on Laksmana, the younger brother of deity
Rama. The word Sarman here has the significance of a sur-
name only.
8. Maghasarmman (No. 43, L. 6) :
Magha means wealth or power. Literally it would mean 'one
who protects the wealth'.
9. Rupasarmman (No. 43, LL. 7-8) :
Rupa means 'form, figure, beauty'. Here it may mean beauti-
ful. We have similar names, e.g., Rupalal, Sunderlal, Rupa-
chand, etc., in modern times. The first part of the name is
based on a virtue, i.e. 'beauty'. It would mean 'one who is
beautiful'.
10. Rustasarmman (No. 33, L. 8) :
Rusta means angry. The name might have been given due to
furious nature of the man. Rusta was the name of a Muni. 44
The word 'Sarman' is only significant of the brahmana sur-
name and yields no sensible meaning when combined with the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 77.
first part.
11. Sukkrasarmman (No. 43, LL. 8-9) : .
Sukra means 'bright, resplendent; light-coloured, white'. 45 . The
name may be based on colour, day (Friday), or the sage Sukra.
Literally it would mean 'one who is white-coloured'.
12. Susctrmman (No. 43, L. 7):
'Stf is generally prefixed before names. It means 'good or ex-
cellent'. The whole will literally signify 'one who is good'.
Names ending in Siva
1. Aparasiva (No. 43, L. 6) :
Apara means 'having no rival or superior; having nothing be^
yond or after'. 46 The second part is Siva. The literal meaning
of the name is 'the unrivalled or the great Siva. We have such
names as 'Apararka'; 47 Purnacandra or Purnasimha.
2. Vasusiva (No. 43, L. 6) :
Vasu mean 'good or beneficient' 48 and Siva refers to Lord
Siva. So the whole will mean 'beneficient Siva'.
Names ending in Svdmin
1. Aldtasvamin (No. 43, L. 7) :
The first part 'Aldta' means fire. 49 We have in the Mahabharata
a name 'AlataksV 'having fiery eyes', one of the mothers in
Skanda's retinue. 50 The second part svdmin means 'a master,
lord or owner'. It is also used for a spiritual preceptor, learned
brahmana or pandita (used as a title at the end of names,
especially of the natives of the Karnataka). 51 Literally the
whole means 'the lord of fire'.
2. Battasvdmin (No. 43, L .7) :
The word Bhatta literally means 'lord' (from bhartr). It is a
title of respect but is also affixed to the names of learned
brahmanas. Here it has been used as the first part of the name
while in other examples we find it used as a second part of the
name. Bhattasvamin is also the name of the author of a
commentary on the Arthasastra. The whole name literally
means 'the lord of lords'.
3. Brahmasvdmin (No. 43, L. 7) :
Brahman means prayer, the sacred word, the text of mantra
used as spell. 52 We find several personal names based on this
7& PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
word in literature. 53 Literally the name would mean 'whose
lord is Brahman'.
4. Jayasvdmin (No. 43, L.9) :
Jaya is the name of an attendant of Visnu. So it is a Vaisnavite
name, meaning 'the lord of Jaya', i.e. Visnu.
5. Ramasvdmin (No. 43, L. 11) :
The name is based on the deity Rama, meaning 'whose lord is
Rama', i.e. 'Ramasya svaim".
Names ending in Visnu
1. Guhavisnu (No. 43, L. 10; L. 11) :
Visnu seems to have been the family deity of people listed
here with Visnu as the second part of their names. Guha is .
the name of Skanda or Karttikeya. Visnu signifies Lord Visnu.
So it is a name with the combination of two deities Guha and
Visnu.
2. Jayavisnu (No, 43, L.9) :
The word Jaya means victorious. We find many names with
the first part Jaya, for example, Jayadeva, Jayarama and
Jayadatta. Jayavisnu means 'the victorious Visnu'.
3. Kirttivisnu (No. 43, L.8) : , . ; .
Kirtti means fame or glory. The whole will literally mean 'the
glorious Visnu'.
4. Kumdravisnu (No. 43, L. 5) :
Kumara is another name of Skanda. Thus this name is also
formed by the combination of the names of two deities.
5. Sarvvavisnu (No. 43, L. 10) :
Sarva is the name of god Siva. 54 It is another case of a name
formed by combining the names of two deities.
6. Somavisnu (No. 43, L.8) :
Soma is also a deity, personified as one of the most important
Vedic gods, but in post-Vedic mythology and even in a few
(late) hymns of the Rgveda and sometimes also in later- Vedic
period Soma is identified with the Moon (as the receptacle
of the other beverage of gods, called Amrta, or as the lord of
the plants) and with the god of the Moon as well as with
Visnu, Siva, Yama and Kubera. 55 This name has also been
formed by the combination of the names of two deities.
7. Yasovisnu (No. 43, L. 5) :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
79
Yasas means fame or glory. The whole would literally mean
"The god (Visnu) of glory". 56
One-word names
In such names the second part is generally dropped for
the sake of brevity. The names of the gods given directly to
persons in some cases are against prescribed rules; but we may
suggest that the second part has been dropped.
1. Acyuta(Wo. 43, L. 11) :
Acyuta literally meaning 'not fallen', i.e. permanent, solid,
firm, imperishable is the name of Lord Visnu or Krsna. 57
2. Bhaskara (No 44, L. 3; L. 9; L.14; L. 16) :
Literally meaning 'one who produces the rays of light'.
Bhaskara is the name of God Sun. 58
3. B/iava(No. 43, L. 11) : : (
Literally meaning 'coming into existence', Bhava is the name
of Lord Siva. It also means 'the world'. 59 .
4. Bhoyila (No. 44, L. 3; L. 8; L. 14; L. 15) :
It is a name with the suffix //a. 60 The name of Bhavadatta seems
to have been changed to Bhoyila as in the case of Agila
(Agnidatta), Satila (Svatidatia), Nagila (Nagadatta) and
Yakhila (Yaksadatta). 61
5. Bonda (No. 43, L. 10) :
It is a local name in Prakritised form which literally means
South'. 62 We have such names as Mukharama Sarma. The
word seems to have some relationship with Bundelkhand in
Madhya Pradesh where the inhabitants are called Bundelas.
6. Gopala (No. 43, L. 12) :
Gopdla literally meaning 'the protector or foster of the cows'
is the name of Lord Visnu or Krsna
7. Gi//?a(No. 43, L. 10) :
Guha is the name of Skanda or Karttikeya, Lord Siva, Lord
Visnu. 63 According to Monier Williams, it is a name belonging
to persons of the writer caste. 64 We cannot say with affirmity
whether Guha was a writers' caste in the Gupta period.
8. Hari (No. 43, L.7) :
Hari is the name of Lord Visnu or Krsna. It is to be derived
from Vhr, 'to take away or remove evil or sin'. 65
9. Ka'laka (No. 43, L. 11):
80 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
It means dark-blue or black. 66 It is a name based on
colour. 67 We have several cases of names with the word
Kalaka, for example, 'Kalakaksa' black-eyed, the name of an
Asura; 'Kalakacarya' a Jain teacher and astronomer; 'Kala-
kendra' name of a prince of the Dhanavas. 68 It is a name with
the suffix 'ka\
10. Kankuti (No. 43, L. 9) :
The Sanskrit form will be kankatin meaning 'furnished with
armour'; when the form is Kankafini it means 'a chamberlain'. 6 *
Kanku is a mistake for kanka. 70 Kanku was the name of a
son of Ugrasena. 71 Kanka, 72 according to lexicographers means
'a false or pretended brahmana'; it was the name assumed by
Yudhisthira before Icing Virata, when in the disguise of a
brahmana.
11. Udhaka (No. 43, L. 11):
This name has also been formed by the addition of the suffix
*ka\ The word is formed by the root '\/lih' to lick, to eat or
to taste. 73 Lidhaka thus means 'one who licks'. The name may
have been given due to his habits of licking which exhibit
greediness.
12. Mahi (No. 43, L. 10):
Mahi means 'earth' personified as deity. We have many
names, formed with Mahi or its synonym, for example,
Mahidasa, Mahidatta, Prthivlkumara, etc.
13. Nabhdka (No. 33, L. 4, L. 8) :
The name is formed with the addition of suffix 'ka* to ndbha
or nabhi meaning navel. 74 Literally it means 'navel born'.
Generally incarnations are said to have been born from nabhi
just as Brahma is said to have first appeared on the lotus
sprung from the navel of Visnu.
14. Puramdara (No. 43, L.9) :
Literally meaning 'destroyer of strongholds', Puramdara is the
name of Indra, the lord of the gods. 75
15. Samkara (No. 43, L. 9) :
Literally meaning 'causing prosperity', Samkara is the name
of Lord Siva. 76 .
16. Vndana (No. 5, L.5) :
The root apparent in the form is ^/ud^/und meaning to wet,.
bathe 77 from which the name -can be derived. The name
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 81
Unddna may, therefore, mean 'kind or humane'. 78
17. Vailinaka (No. 43, L. 5) :
The name is formed by adding suffix 'ka' to Vellana which
means 'going, moving about, shaking, rolling (of a horse)'. 80
Vellana is also a sort of rolling pin with which cakes, chappatis,
etc., are prepared. 81 The name denotes the habit of rolling or
moving about of the child. In modern times also names like
Bellana (Vellana) are given. It may refer to the baby being fat.
It can refer to a person's changing temperament.
18. V amply oka (No. 52, L. 20) :
It should be read as Vappiyaka. It is the name of a king in the
Rajatarangini. 82 Vappa is the Prakrtised form for vapra meaning
'a rampart, any shore or bank, mound, hillock' 83 or the field. 84
Vappia also means 'field. 85 to which the suffix 'ka* has been
added. We have similar names such as 'Kedaranatha' meaning
'owner of the field'.
19. Visva (No. 43, L. 9) :
Formed from the \/vis to pervade, it means all-pervading or
all containing, omnipresent. It is applied to Visnu or Krsna. 86
We have many similar names, e.g.,Visvakarman,Vivanatha and
Visvadatta.
Miscellaneous
1. Adityabandhu (No. 52, L. 20) :
The first part is Aditya meaning 'the deity Sun,; bandhu means
'a relation or friend'. So the whole means 'a friend of god Sun\
We have many examples of names with bandhu as the second
part, e.g. Dlnabandhu, Visvabandhu, Vedabandhu, etc. We
have also names with Aditya as their first part such as Aditya-
natha and Adityanarayana.
2. Ddmarudra (No. 43, L. 6) :
Daman means 'garland' 87 and Rudra stands for Siva. The
whole literally means 'Rudra having a garland'. The names
with the first word 'daman' were popular in ancient times. 8 *
We also find daman-ending names in ancient literature.
3. Jsvaracandra (No. 43, L. 6) :
Tsvara literally meaning 'powerful (capable of doing)' is often
used as a synonym for Lord Siva. 89 Candra means 'the Moon'.
The whole will literally mean 'the Moon of Lord Siva,
82 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
situated on the forehead of Lord Siva*. Names with Candra as
their second part are quite common even now, e.g.,ivacandra,
Ramacandra and Krsnacandra.
4. Kumar abhuti (No. 43, L. 5) :
Kumara means Skanda or Karttikeya and bhuti means power
or wealth. 90 So the whole will mean 'power or wealth of
Kumara'. We have also similar names like 'Bhavabhuti'
meaning power or wealth of Lord Siva.
5. Kumarayasas (No. 43, L. 5) :
The whole will rrean 'fame or glory of Kumara'. A desire for
the attainment of the glory of god Karttikeya is reflected here.
6. Mahasena (No. 43, L. 7) :
Mahasena seems to have been used for Karttikeya. Literally
meaning 'having a great army or the commander of a large
force or a great general', Mahasena is the name of Karttikeya
or Skanda. 91 Sena 'armed force' is also personified as the wife
of Karttikeya. 92
7. Nandadama (No. 43, L.8) :
Nanda is the name of the foster father of Krsna 93 Daman
means 'garland'. 94 The whole literally means 'a garland of
Nanda' i.e. one who is dearer to Nanda. It may refer to Lord
Krsna. We have many examples of names with Nanda as their
first part, e.g., Nandalal, Nandakishore and Nandakumara.
8. Prabhakirttito (No. 43, L 11) :
Prabha is the Prakritised form of Prabhu meaning 'God*.
Kirti may be translated as glory. The whole thus means 'glory
of God'.
NAMES OF VAT^IKS (TRADERS)
1. Acalavarman (No. 16, L. 6) :
Acala means 'firm' or 'stable'. Varman is a surname used
for ksatriyas. Acalavarman is specifically mentioned as a
ksatriya. 96 This is significant. It means that ksatriyas followed
the profession of vaisyas.
2. Bandhumitra (No. 34, L.5; No. 35, L. 4) :
The name literally means "a friend of his relatives".
3. Bhr(bhru)kunthasimha (No. 16, L. 6) :
The first part of the name means "one with contracted brows
(out of anger)". The second part is simha or lion which is often
IN THE GUPfA INSCRIPTIONS
83
the surname of ksatriya'S?
4. Kapila (No. 33, L. 8) :
He is described as a merchant but he also acted as a scribe.
The name is based on colour and is probably to be connected
with kapi 'monkey-coloured' brown, tawny, reddish. 97
5 Snbhadra (No. 33, L. 8) :
It is the name of a merchant who also acts as a scribe. It is a
name based on Sri 'the goddess of wealth', the whole meaning
'auspicious for wealth'.
6. Sthanudatta (No. 37. L. 5) :
The name is basecF 'on ^the \pame of Lord Siva who is also
called, 'Sthanu' meaning firm or immovable. 98 'Datta' is a
surname which ir.ear^ 'given'. The whole expression means
begotten on by the grace of Lord 'SiVa*.
7. Sthaya(na)pala (No. 33, L. 8) :
A merchant who also acts as a*' scribe. D,C. Sircar takes the
reading 'Sthayapala'. 99 He also suggests the possibility of a
second reading 'sthdnapala 1 which means 'watchman or police-
man'. 100 This reading seems to be correct; Sthayapala
yields no sensible meaning*-- J ->
8. Vasumitra (No. 36, L. 4) :
The first part of the name is vasu (wealth) and the second is
mitra the whole literally meaning 'a friend of wealth'. Another
possibility is that $iz name vasu stands for a group of deities
and mitra means the sun ^nd Vasumitra Thereby yielding the
sense "a sun among deities"
REFERENCES
1. Fz. p. 9, col. 2.
2. Ibid., p. 867, -col. 3. " *:., -. . . ,u|
3. Ibid., p. 745, col. 3. -#,]>
4. Ibid., p. 29&.ol. 1-2. . ~ o . v
5. Ibid. : . ,
6. Ibid.. p>.294, coL 2.- ,- . . w- ,^-A
.7. Ibid., p. 807, ccd. 1. ^: ": ',
8. The reading is c.hecked-by rne.^ . - .
9. Fz. p. 1057, col.:l. .
10. Ibid.,p..4l2 i col. 3. ;. -, ..-. . j ,
11. H. p. 8S. . / .- - .: : .----'-
cf. q-^ ^^ *<<r\- tH 1 ^s-^' T 45.
84 PERSONAL ANP GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
175: cFTT^ ^t*' r rt: tfi*^^<*^u tf*!*^ ^H U-
12. Fz. p. 413, col. 1; Bz. pp. 61-64.
13. Passim.
14. JJ. XIX, p. 21, f. n. 8. The reading has been checked by me.
15. Fz. p. 1213, col. 1.
16. Ibid. ;
17. H. p. 440. .
18. Fz. p. 509, col. 1.
19. Ibid., p. 1289, col. 3.
20. Ibid., p. 533, col. 1.
21. Ibid., p. 529, col. 1.
22. Ibid., p. 289, col. 3. *
23. T. Burrow, (Mg) 1 'Non-Aryan Influence on Sanskrit', p. 381.
Tamila : Kuntu 'hollow; pool, pit';
Malyalam : Kuntu 'hole, pit';
Kannada : Kunte, Kunda, gundi, 'hole, pit', etc;
Cf. Mayrhofer, A. p/226.
24. Barua, Zz. p. 95. t ;;>
25. Bhandarkar, HJ. March 1932, p. 52, Sircar, JJ. XIX, pp. 17-18.
26. Xy. p. 517.
27. Fz. p. 626, col. 2.
28. Ibid., p. 690, col. 3.
29. Ibid., p. 307, col. 2.
30. The reading has been checked by me.
31. Fz. p. 875, col. 1. I , i
32. Ibid., col. 1-2.
33. Ibid., p. 749, col. 1.
34. Ibid., p. 534, col. '3.
35. Ibid., For the use as the Secoild part we have here Bhavanatha,
other examples are Sivanatha, RSmanatha, ptc.
36. Ibid., p. 749, col. 1.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid., p. 1058, col. 2-3.
39. Ibid. , p. 1298, col. 3.
40. GJ. vol. II, p. 95.
41. Just like we have such names as Vasantarama or Vasantaraja
based on the spring season.
42. Fz. p. 311, col. 3. The Kaivarttas or Kevattas<(Keots) were spread
all over the country in Bengal.
Hg. Vol. I, p. 67. As an occupational caste 'it has divided itself
into Jaliya Kaivarttas who practised the Calling of fisherman, and Haliya
(or chasi) Kaivarttas (also spelled as Kaibarttas) who lived by agriculture.
Latter on Haliya Kaivarttas thinking themselves superior banned all in-
termarriage with Jaliya Kaivarttas and succeeded in getting recognition as
a separate caste under the name of Mahisya(tiutton, W. p. 46). According
to the Brahmavaivartta Purana, Kaivarra ist>orri of a ksatriya father and
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
85
vaiSya mother which is Known as Mahisya (Cautam, IV, 20). It seems to
imply that Kaivarta was degraded in Kaliyuga by his association with
the Tivara and was known as, or adopted the vocation of a dhivara or
fisherman (Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 591.)
43. Fz. p. 319, col. 3.
44. Ibid., p. 885.
45. Ibid., p. 1080, col. 1.
46. Ibid., p. 50, col. 2. >
47. Ibid., col. 3.
48. Ibid., p. 930, col. 3.
49. Ibid., p. 94, col. 3 :
50. Fz. p. 94, col. 3.
51. Ibid., p. 1284, col. 1.
52. Ibid., p. 737, col. 1.
53. Ibid., pp. 737 if.
54. Ibid., p. 1057, col. 1.
55. Ibid., p. 1249, col. 3.
56. Cf. Klrtti-Vinu, No, 3.
57. Fz. p. 9, col. 2.
58. Ibid., p. 756, col. 1.
59. Ibid., pp. 748-49, col. 3-1
60. Panini, V. 3.79.
61. Jy. p. 191, No. 18.
62. Xy. p. 638.
63. Fz. p. 360, col. 2.
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid., p. 1289, col. 3.
66. Ibid., p. 277, col. 3.
67. srirfejTT <TO 153
<To
252,
1103
l?t>l
O 47,
68. Fw. p. 277, col. 3.
69. Ibid., p. 242, col. 2.
Xy. p. 638.
70. Ibid., see : Kanku.
71. Ibid.
72. Fz. p. 242, col. 1.
73. Ibid., p. 903, col. 1.
anrfasqr, <To 153, ^fatffr, 'Jo 47.
74. Fz. p. 535, col. 3. See nSbha and nabhi.
75. Ibid., p. 635, col. 3.
76. Ibid., p. 1054, col. 3.
77. Ibid., p. 183, col. 1, See Vud2.
78. Ibid., col. 3. See unna.
79. The reading has been checked by me.
80. Fz. p. 746, col. 1.
81. Ibid., p. 746, col. 1.
86 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
82. Ibid., p. 920, cpl. 2, Seeyapptya or vap.piyaka.
Bz. p. 108. '
83. Fz. p. 920, col. 1. *' f +
84. Xy. p. 745. . ;' ,' ^
85. Ibid., p. 746:cffoj3f, <j. (%) i.e. a <fesi word.
86. Fz. p. 992, col. 2.
87. Ibid., p. 475, col. 1.
88. Ibid., p. 474, col. 3 : Damakantha, Damagranthi, Damacandra,
Damodara, etc.
89. Ibid., p. 171, col. 1.
90. Ibid., p. 762, col. 3.
91. Ibid., p. 801, col. 3.
92. Ibid., p. 1246, col. 2.
93. Ibid., p. 526, col. 3.
94. Cf. Pz. pp. 106-07.
95. The reading has been checked by me.
96. No. 16, L. 6 : ^STT^T^f-'Tf^Fr^RTt 3Tfsw^R'f-?T (^T.
(5T) **3 \
97. Fz. p. 250, col. 3 : Cf. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 1SO-91.
98. Fz. p. 1262, col. 3.
99. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 333, L.8.
100. Ibid., f.n. 7.
Names of Brahmanas ; Jainas and
Bauddhas
NAMES OF BRAHMANAS
Names ending in Bhatta
1. Devabhatta (No. 43, LL. 14-15; L. 26) :
Deva, the first part of the name, means 'god, heavenly or
divine'. The second part is a name-ending suffix used for learned
brahmanas. The ending Bhatta denoting a scholar later be-
came a surname, just as the English word 'Master' is under-
going a change in usage with the Gujarati-speaking people and
the word 'professor' may soon have with the Marathl-speaking
people. 1
Devabhatta was a brahmana. He was an inhabitant of
Pundravardhana. He belonged to Vajasaneyacarana, and was
versed in the four Vedas.
2. Kurama(d)ravyabhatta (No. 39, L. 5) :
He is mentioned as a teacher of Chandoga (Veda}, with the
gotras Asva and Vajin. Kurama means bad (or misused) wealth
and 'ravya' means 'famous'; bhatta is a surname added to the
names of scholarly brahmanas. So the whole expression may
mean 'a teacher who is known for the ill use of his wealth'.
Though such queer names are actually in practice it is not un-
likely that in the present case it is the nick-name which has
been mentioned.
3. Visnupdlitabhatta (No. 39, L. 5) :
He was the son of Kuramaravyabhatta, a teacher of the Chan-
doga (Veda), with the gotras Asva and Vajin. The first part of
his name 'Visnupalita' literally means 'protected by god Visnu';
the second part 'bhatta' signifies a learned brahmana.
88 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Names ending in Datta
1. Amaradalta (No. 43, L. 15; L. 26) :
The first part 'Amara' means 'a god' and the second part 'datta'
means 'given'. Thus the whole will mean 'Given by gods'. He
was an inhabitant of Pundravardhana, and is described as
belonging to' Vajasaneyacarana and as versed in the four Vedas.
Amaradatta was also the name of a lexicographer and also
of a prince in the Kathasaritsagara. 2
2. Mahasenadatta (No. 43, L. 15; L. 26) :
The first part is 'Mahasena' which is the name of Karttikeya
or Skanda. 3 The second part is 'dattcf which means 'given'.
The whole expression means 'given by god Skanda'. Mahasena-
datta was a brahmana inhabitant of Pundravardhana, belong-
ing to Vajasaneyacarana and versed in the four Vedas.
Names ending in Sarmman
1. Ndgasarmman (No. 29, L. 3) :
The first part is Ndga based on the Naga or serpent-demon.
The second part sarmman (or sarman) is a brahmana surname.
2. Nathasarmman (No. 28, LL. 3-4; L. 12; L. 17) :
In lines 3-4 and 12 we get the second part as sarmman but in
L. 17 we find it as sarmma. The first part is Natha meaning
'protector, patron, possessor, owner, lord' 4 The second part is
a brahmana surname. Natha is the name of several authors. 5
3. Sivasarmman (No. 29, L. 3) :
The first part is the name of god Siva and the second is
sarmman.
Names ending in Svamin
1. Gopadevasvamin (No. 21, L. 10) :
The name has two parts. The first part is Gopadeva and the
second part is ( svdmin\ Gopadeva means 'Lord of the cow-
herds' and is often applied to Indra, Krsna or Visnu, mostly to
the last two in the post-Vedic period. The second part e svdmin >
means 'a spiritual preceptor, learned brahmana or Pandita'
(used as a title at the end of names, especially of natives of the
Karnataka). 6
2. Jayabhattisvdmin (No. 40, L. 6) :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 89
The first part of the name is Jayabhatti. Jaya literally means
triumph or being victorious (in battle, lawsuit, etc.). It was also
the name of Arjuna (the son of Pandu), Indra, the sun, of an
attendant of Visnu and of many sages. 7 Bhatta or Bhatti is
affixed to the names of learned brahmanas. 8 As explained
above, the second part of the name svamin is the surname
added to the names of learned brahmanas. Jayabhattisvamin
was a brahmana and has been mentioned as traividya in sub-
sequent lines of the inscription 9 (L. 8; L. 9).
Miscellaneous
1. Amrtadeva (No. 37, L. 6; L. 14) :
The first part is Amrta and the second is 'deva'. The term can
mean 'the god Amrta' which is the name of Lord Visnu or
we may call him 'the god of nectar' (Amriasya deva). It may
also be explained as "Whose Lord is the nectar" or
amrtam devo'sya. He was an inhabitant of Ayodhya.
2. Deva (No. 16, L. 5) :
It is an abbreviated name without any surname. Literally it
means 'god, heavenly, divine' (also said of terrestrial things of
high excellence.) 10 It is also the name of men, and is used
as a short form for Devadatta. 11 Deva of our inscription
belonged to the community of the Caturvedins of the locality
called Padma in the town of Indrapura.
3. Devavisnu (No. 16, L, 5) :
The first part is 'Deva' which means 'god'. The second part is
Visnu which may be the name of his family deity. Devavisnu
belonged to the community of Caturvedins of the locality
called Padma in the city of Indrapura. He performed the
Agnihotra of the Ranayamya Sakha of the Vedas every day.
4. Dudlka(No. 16, L. 5) :
He was a brahmana belonging to the community of Caturvedins
of the locality known as Padma in the city of Indrapura. He
h?^been mentioned as the great grand-father of the brah-
mana Devavisnu, the giver of an endowment for the maintenance
of a lamp in the temple of the god Sun.
It is an abbreviated name with the ending "ika* 12 like
Devika for Devadatta; Yajnika for Yajnadatta and Chadika
for Chandodatta. 13
90 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
The name 'Dadda', 'Dudda' or 'Dudda' 14 cannot be
derived from any Sanskrit root. Nor are these names found
in any Sanskrit or Prakrit dictionary. Dr. H.D. Sankalia
suggests that these names were derived from the Sanskrit
term Dardara, 15 meaning 'a mountain', or a region having
holes or ravines. The man may have shifted from a hilly
region.
We find references to geographical names like 'Daddara-
pabbata' and 'Mahadaddara' in the Daddara Jataka. 16 The
Daddarapabbata may be identified with the mountainous tract
of Dardistan, lying to the north-west of Kashmir, and south
of Little Pamir. Since the river Sindhu after its origin in the
Himalayas near Tibet flows through this country, Panini calls
the river Ddradi Sindhuh^
The people of this tract, the Daradas are mentioned in the
Mahabharata in the list of the foreign tribes which sprang up
along with the Yavanas, Mlecchas and Sakas, from the cow
Kamadhenu, when she was being forcibly driven away by
Visvamitra from Vasistha's asrama. 18 The Daradas are the
people, living above Peshawar. 19 But the basic weakness in the
suggestion made by Dr. H.D. Sankalia 20 is, as he himself
admits, these names are not found in any Sanskrit or Prakrit
dictionary.
It may be noted that the words Do da and Dodda are syno-
nyms used for a brahmana and Dodini stands for a brahmani,
or a brahmana-woman. 21 These are desya words and hence
refer to local elements.
In Punjabi language a person who is very simple or credu-
lous or who can be very easily cheated is called 'Doda'. It is
not unlikely that on account of his pious ways and bookish
approach a brahmana was generally taken to be a simple
person. In the Sanskrit story books the picture of a typical
brahmana is that of a simpleton who can be easily duped.
Hence it is possible that a brahmaaa was called 'Doda' and
the feminine form of 'Doda' (i.e. Dodini) was used for a
brahmana -woman. 22
In Karnataka 'Doddu' means 'big' or elder. 'Dodddcdrya*
or 'Dudddcdrya' a term of respect for a learned Pandita is also
used in satire.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 91
It is interesting to note that Dadda is also an English slang
word meaning 'a foolish person'.
5. Haritrdta (No. 16, L. 5) :
The first part of the name is Hari, which means 'God' and is
also the name among others of Lord Vistiu and Krsna. Gene-
rally Hari is derived from \'hf to take away or remove evil or
sin. 23 The second part 'tratcC means 'protected'. Thus the
whole literally means 'protected by Hari'. 24 Haritrata was a
brahmana belonging to the community of the Catur-
vedins of the locality called Padma in the town named
Indrapura.
6. KarppatikcP* (No. 34, L. 6) :
The inscription records the purchase of land measuring one
kulyavapa by a brahmana, named Karppatika, for the purpose
of his agnihotra rites.
The word 'Karpatika' or Karpatika means 'acting deceitfully,
fradulent, dishonest, a rogue, cheat'. 26 It also means a beggar. 27
Both the meanings may be applied here.
7. Traividya (No. 40, L. 8; L. 9) :
His real name which occurs in L. 6 of the inscription was
'Jayabhattisvamin'. He was also known as Traividya The term
literally means 'one who knows the three Vedas Rk, Sama
and Yajus\
NAMES OF JAINAS AND BAUDDHAS
1. Abhayamitra (No. 48, L. 2; No. 54, L. 2) :
The name consisting of two parts 'abhaycf and 'mitrcf can
mean a friend of unfearfulness or 'an unfearful friend'. 'Abhaya'
is also the name of Lord Siva 28 and 'mitra' is a synonym for
the god Sun. Thus it may also be a name formed by combining
the names of two deities as in the case of Ramakrsna. Abhaya-
mitra was the name of a Buddhist monk who caused a pratimd
to be built.
2. Bhadra (No. 22, L. 4) :
It is the name of a Jaina Acarya. Literally it means 'blessed,
auspicious, fortunate, prosperous, happy'. Bhadra is also the
name of Lord Siva. 29
3. Bhattibhava (No. 31 , L. 2) :
92 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
The image on which the Mathura Jaina Inscription of Kumara-
gupta I, of G.E. 113 is inscribed was set up by Samadhya (Syama-
dhya), the daughter of Bhattibhava. Bhattibhava seems to have
been a brahmana-follower of Jainism. Bhatta or Bhatti, a surname
meaning 'a teacher' has been put here before Bhava. Bhatti is
the Prakritised form of Sanskrit 'Bharti' meaning a lord or
master which came to be accepted as a Sanskrit word. 'Bhava'
means 'a god, deity' and is also the name of Lord Siva.
Bhava also means 'prosperity, welfare'. 30 Thus the full name
literally means 'one who is a (source of) prosperity, for his
teacher'. It can also be a case of a name after the deity 'Bhava'
or 'Siva'.
4. Bhattisoma (No. 15, L. 6) :
It was the name of a Jaina worshipper. He is described as a
mahatman the son of Somila who was a treasure-house of
many virtues. The name Bhatti-soma literally means, "Who is
just like a Soma (a life-giving element) for his teacher." It can
as well be a case of a name after the deity Soma.
5. Buddhamitra (No. II, L. 1) :
'Buddha' refers to 'Lord Buddha' and 'mitra' means friend. The
whole thus literally means 'a friend of Lord Buddha'. It is
the name of a Buddhist monk.
6. Datilacdryya (No. 31, L. 2) :
He was a Jaina acfiryya. The correct form of the name should
have been Dattilacarya. The word seems to be in a Prakritised
form. According to Monier Williams 31 'Dattila' is one of the
forms of names terminating in 'datta\ Names like Devadatta
when contracted may turn into Dattila. 32 Acaryya seems to be
an epithet.
7. Gosarmman (No. 22, LL. 4-5) :
'Go* means cow and sarmman means 'shelter or protection'. 33
Thus the whole may literally mean 'one who is a shelter for
the cows'. Acaryya Gosarmman mentioned as a muni seems to
have been a Jaina Acaryya.
8. Guhanandin (No. 39, L. 6; L. 13) :
The first part Guha is the name of Skanda 34 and the second
part is nandin\ meaning thereby, 'one who is a servant of Lord
Skanda'. Guhanandin was the name of a Jaina Acaryya.
The names of the Digarhbara Acaryas of the third and
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 93
fourth centuries, such as Yasonandin Jayanandin, and Kumara-
nandin generally end in nandin. As Pundravardhana was one
of the seats of Jaina pontiffs, beginning with Gupti-Gupta or
Visakhacaryya, the disciple of Bhadrabahu If, it has been
suggested that Guhanandin also belonged to the same place. 35
9. Jitasena (No. 52, L. 30) :
The first part of the name 'Jita 9 means 'won'. 'Sena' the second
part of the name, generally refers to an army but in the present
case we may translate it better as 'body' which is supported by
lexicographers. 36 Thus the whole may literally mean 'One who
has won the body', i.e. one having control over one's senses'.
This would suit the context because Jitasena was an acaryya
of the Buddhist order. 37
10. Kapiia (No. 41, L. 6) :
It is a name based on colour. Kapiia means 'monkey-coloured'
or 'yellow-coloured'. He was one of the teachers of the
Mahesvara cult and has been mentioned as Bhagavan Kapiia.
11. Kusika(No. 41, L. 5) :
He is described as one of the pupils of Lakulin (Nakulin in
the Vayu Purana), an incarnation of Mahesvara. 38 It is an
abbreviated name formed by the addition of the surffix 'ika'.
According to lexicographers literally Kusika means 'squint-
eyed'. 39 In the present inscription the name has the epithet
bhagavan prefixed to it.
12. Madra(No. 15, L. 8) :
He was a follower of Jaina cult full of affection for brahmanas
and religious preceptors and ascetics and set up five stone
images of Adikartrs or Tlrtharhkaras, i. e. the five images in
the niches of the column and the column itself, at the village
of Kakubha, i.e., Kahaum.
Madra is the name of a country to the north-west of
Hindustan proper, or a king (pi. the people) of this country.
It was also the name of a son of Sibi (the progenitor of the
Madras). 40 Madrl, we get the name of a princess of Madra. 41
Literally it means 'joy'. 42
13. Parasara (No. 41, L. 6) :
He is mentioned as an acarya of the Mahesvara cult. The epi-
thet 'Bhagavan' has been prefixed to his name. Literally
Parasara means 'a crusher, destroyer'. 43 Parasara is also the
94 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
name of an ancient sage, an authority on Jyotisa, Krsi,
Vrksayurveda and Dharmasastra.
14. Parsva (No. 22, L. 3) :
The name has its origins in Parsva or Parsvanatha; the best of
the Jinas. It is the name of the 23rd Arhat of the present
cycle and his servant. 44
15. Rudrasoma (No. 15, L. 7) :
He is the son of Bhattisoma who has been mentioned as a
tnahatma. He is described as having another appellation of
Vyaghra. 45 It may be a name formed by the combination .of
the names of two deities Rudra and Soma.
16. $amkara(No. 22, L. 6) :
It is the name of a Jaina monk 46 , who installed an image
of Parsvanatha. Literally meaning 'causing prosperity', it is
one of the common names of Lord Siva. 47 The present case
goes against the traditions of the Smrtis which forbid the
giving of the names of deities directly to human beings.
17. Sanasiddha (No. 23, L. 1; L. 9) :
It was the name of an upasaka. It seems to be a Prakritised form
of Sanskrit 'svayam siddhcf 48 , meaning 'existing on one's own
strength'. Another possibility is that as 'sana* means 'old,
ancient', 49 the whole may mean 'Siddha of old'. It may be
noted that in the Aitareya Brahmana sanasruta (meaning
famous of old) appears as the name of a man.
18. Santideva (No. 52, L. 4) :
He was a Buddhist monk of the Mahayana school and has
been mentioned as Acaryya Santideva. 50 The name Santideva
was quite popular among the Buddhists. Literally the name
means 'the god of tranquillity or prosperity'.
19. Somila (No. 15, L. 6) :
It is the name of a follower of Jainism whose great grandson
Madra is mentioned as having established the five excellent
images referring to the five named Jaina Tlrthamkaras sculp-
tured on the column (viz., Adinatha, Santinatha, Neminatha,
Parsvanatha andMahavira). 51 Somila can be an abbreviated form
of the name 'Somadatta'. 52 In Punjabi usage a person named
'Somadatta' may be addressed as 'Somi; Somila may be a similar
form convenient to utter. Somila can also be formed by adding
' suffix to the word 'Soma' and hence meaning 'full of
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 95
Soma'. Somila was the name of a poet. 53 Kalidasa also men-
tions a poet named Saumila (identical with Somila) along
with Bhasa. 54 Jn the Kathasaritsagara Somila is the name
of an Asura.
20. Udi(ta)caryya (No. 41, L. 8) :
Udita means 'proclaimed' or 'high' 55 and 'acaryya' means
teacher, the whole literally meaning 'a high teacher'. Arya
Uditacaryya was one of the acaryyas of the Mahe^vara cult,
tenth from the Bhagavan Kusika and fourth from the Bhagavan
Parasara.
21 Upamita(No. 41, L. 7) :
Literally the name means "compared or illustrated by
comparison 1 '. 58 or in other words 'one who is quoted for com-
parison, i.e., very high or perfect'. Upamita was one of the
acaryyas of lite Mahesvara cult.
EPIC and Puranic Names
In our inscriptions we get references to Epic and Puranic
names which are as follows :
1. Bali (No. 14, L. 2):
The reference to Bali comes in connection with the praise of
Lord Visnu. 57 Literally meaning 'one who is powerful or
vigorous', Bali was the son of Virocana and the grandson of
Prahlada and has been the king of the Asuras. 58 A famous
legend about him runs thus The demon Bali, by his austeri-
ties acquired the dominion over the three worlds, and caused
annoyance and anxiety to the gods. Visnu then reincarnated
himself as a dwarf, appeared before Bali, and asked for as
much land as he could cover with three strides. Bali assented
to his request, and Visnu with two strides covered the heavens
and the earth, but, in commiseration for Bali, who then
humbled himself, left him the dominion over the lower
regions below the earth. 59 We get a reference to this legend
as early as in the Visnusukta of the Rgveda. 60
2. Buddha (No. 23, LL. 6-7) :
He has been given the epithet 'The Divine' (Bhagavan Buddha).
He is mentioned in connection with a Buddhist temple. Literally
the name means awakened, conscious or intelligent. For
Buddhists it stands for a fully enlightened man who has
achieved perfect knowledge of the truth and thereby is liberated
from all existence and before his own attainment of Nirvana
reveals the method of obtaining it. The principal Buddha of
the present age was born at Kapilavastu in the year 566 B.C. 61
His father Suddhodana was the Raja of that district. His
mother was MayadevI, and his original name was Siddhartha.
He belonged to the Ksatriya Sakya tribe, while Gautama
seems to refer to the race to which his family belonged. He
had left his home in quest of truth and after a concentrated
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 97
meditation for a few years attained the discovery of truths
and was called the Buddha or the enlightened. 62
3. Krsna (No. 13, L. 13) :
It is a name based on colour, meaning black-dark, dark-blue.
"Vasudeva, a descendant of Yadu and Yayati, had by his
second wife DevakI, eight sons of whom the last, Krsna, was
born with black skin and a peculiar mark on his breast". 65
Yasoda was Krsna's foster-mother to whom he was shifted in
Gokula or Vraja immediately after his birth to escape the
cruel hands of Kamsa. In our inscription Skandagupta has been
compared with Lord Krsna, who after slaying his enemy
Kamsa had returned to his mother DevakI. 64
4. Partha (No. 17, L. 14; No. 19, L. 5) :
In No. 17, king ViSvavarman is compared with Partha in
(heroic) deeds of war. Jn No. 19 Bhaniigupta is described as
a mighty king equal to Partha, exceedingly heroic. Partha is
formed from Prtha and is a metronymic for Arjuna who has
been mentioned in the Puranas, as the husband of Subhadra
and father of Abhimanyu. 65
5. Prthu (No. 2, LL. 7-8) :
Samudragupta is stated to have surpassed the kings like
Prthu and Raghava in giving gold. Literally Prthu means
broad, wide, expansive, extensive, spacious or large. 66
About nineteen Prthus have been mentioned in the Puranas, 67
the most important and famous being the Vainya. Here the :
reference seems to this Prthu, the Vainya;
He is the son of Vena got out of by the churning his
right arm by the sages to save him from falling into hell
and is considered the ninth incarnation of Hari. He was the :
first king who introduced agriculture. Due to scarcity of:
supply when people complained of hunger, he armed his.
arrow and the earth was milked. Hilly tracts were levelled
and different kinds of villages, cities and towns were organised
for the first time; Prthu has been panegyrised by the Gandhar-
vas, and Siddhas playing on different musical instruments. 68
6. Raghava (No. 2, L. 8) :
Samudragupta is mentioned to have surpassed the kings like
Prthu and Raghava in giving gold. 69 , Raghava literally means
a descendant of Raghu, 70 and is used as a patronymic of Aja>
98 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
of Dasaratha and of Ramacandra. In dual number (raghavau)
it refers to Rama and Laksmana. 71
7. Sagara (No. 36, L. 12; No. 37, L. 21) :
He is mentioned in these inscriptions as a donor of lands. 72
Literally Sagara means 'containing poison or poisonous'
It is the name of a king of the solar race, sovereign of Ayodhya,
son of Bahu. He is said to have been called Sa-gara, as born
together with a poison administered to his mother by the co-
wives of her husband. He was father of Asamanjasa by KesinI
and of sixty thousand sons by Sumati; the latter were turned
into a heap of ashes by the sage Kapila, and their funeral
ceremonies could only be performed by the waters of Ganga
to be brought from heaven for the purpose of purifying their
remains; this was finally accomplished by Bhaglratha. 73
8. Vyasa (No. 28, L. 21; No. 29, L. 14; No. 36, L. 15; No.
43, L. 30; No. 44, L. 21; No. 52, LL. 11-12) :
Vyasa has been mentioned as Bhagavan (venerable) Vyasa in
No. 28; as Dvaipayana in No. 29 and as Vedavyasa in No. 44.
In No. 43, there is a reference to his sayings in the Maha-
bharata. 74 In No. 52 he is described as the compiler of the
Vedas and as a son of Parasara. 75
Literally Vyasa means 'division or extension' and as the
name of a person it signifies an arranger, complier or narrator.
Vyasa is said to have rearranged the Vedas into four parts,
and taught each of them to four respective pupils Paila,
VaiSarhpayana, Jaimini and Sumantu; he also rearranged
Itihasa Puranas and composed the Bharata and the Bhaga-
vata. 76 Subsequently, the name Vyasa came to be applied to
any great typical compiler or author. 77 He was the son of the
sage Parasara and was brought forth by his mother Satyavati
on an island in the river Yamuna. Hence he is also known
as Dvaipayana and Badarayana. 78 As he was called Krsna-
Dvaipayana, it seems that Vyasa, Dvaipayana, and Badarayana
were epithets; his original name might have been Krsna due to
Ms dark complexion, 79 and he was called 'Dvaipayana for
being born on an island (dvlpa)'
9. Yudhisthira (No. 28, L. 24; No. 29, L. 16; No. 35, L. 12;
No. 36, L. 17; No. 43, L. 33; No. 44, L. 24; No. 52,
L. 14) :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 99
He is mentioned in the imprecatory verses and is described
as the best of kings. Literally meaning 'firm or steady in
battle', it was the name of the eldest of the five sons of Pandu.
He was father of Prativindhya and Sudhanu and before his
death installed his grandson Parlksita on the throne (at Has-
tinapur) and Vajra at Mathura. 80
REFERENCES
1. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 118; Fz. p. 493, col. 3.
2. Fz. p. 80, col. 2-3.
3. Ibid., p. 801, col. 3.
4. Ibid., p. 534, col. 3.
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid., p. 1248, col. 1. We find Svamin frequently used in the names
of Western Ksatraps.
7. Ibid., p. 412, col. 3.
8. Ibid., p. 745, col. 1; cf. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 148.
9. No. 40, L. 8; L. 9.
10. Fz. p. 492, col. 2.
11. Ibid., col. 3; Panini, V.3.83, Varttika, 4.
12. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 190; Panini, V.3.78.
13. Ibid.
14. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 108.
15. Fz. p. 470, col. 1.
16. Malalasekera, Dx., I, p. 1055.
17. V.S. Agrawala, "Geographical Data in Panini's Atadhyayi", VJ.
16.1.19.
18. Adi Parvan, adhyaya, 175.
19. Fz. p. 470, col. 1.
20. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 108-109.
21. Xy. p. 374: *fe <r (%)
22. Ibid., p. 222.
23. Fz. p. 1289, col. 3.
24. Ibid., p. 1290.
25. The reading is checked by me.
26. Xy. p. 222.
27. Ibid.
28. Fz. 60, col. 3.
29. Ibid., p. 745, col. 3.
30. Ibid., pp. 748-49, col. 3-1.
31. Ibid., p. 467, col. 3.
32. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 192.
100 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
33. Fz. p. 1058, col. 2.
34. Ibid., p. 360, col. 2.
35. Gj. XX, No. 5, p. 60.
36. Fz. p. 1246, col. 2.
37.
38. (i) Vayu Purana, ch. 23, Vs. 210-13.
(ii) Linga Purana, ch. 24, Vs. 127-131 .
(iii) About Lakulin or Lakulisa (holder of a club) :
QJ. XXII, 151ff; GJ. XXI, Iff. GJ. XXI, 5-7, Rz.
pp. 453-54.
39. Fz. p. 297, col. 2.
40. Ibid., p. 779, col. 1.
41. Panini, IV. 1.177.
42. Ibid., II.3.73. TTsf a^T, <T*t, "Joy to him."
43. Fz. p. 591, col. 1.
44. Ibid., p. 662, col. 2.
45. No. 15, L. 7 ;
46.
47. Fz. p. 1054, col. 3.
48.
49. Fz. p. 1141, co. 1.
50.
51. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 317, f.n. 3.
52. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 191-92.
53. Fz. p. 1251, col. 2.
54.
f^TRT. . . I
55. Fz. p. 186, col. 1-2.
56. Ibid., p. 203, col. 3.
57. feqirftrfT^W
zft
58. V.R.R. Diksitar, Jy Vol. II, p. 469.
59. (Dx) 1 , p. 62, note I.
60. Rgveda, I. 154.
61. R.C. Majumdar, L. p. 168.
62. Ibid,, p. 169.
63. Fz. p. 306, col. 2;
Jg. Vol. I, pp. 435-450.
64. No. 13, V. 6, :
"It has been suggested that his mother's name was'Devaki, but this
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
101
view rests merely on an analogy which the poet had drawn between his
visit to his widowed mother after his victory and that of Krsna to Devaki.
This analogy might have been due to similarity of circumstances rather
than similarity of names." R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 176-177.
65. Jg. Vol. II, p. 318.
66. Fz. p. 646, col. 2.
67. Jg. Vol. II, pp. 381-4.
68. Ibid., pp. 381-2.
69. No. 2, L. 8.
70. Jg. Vol. Ill, p. 43. Raghu has been known as the son of Dirgha-
bahu, and a man of everlasting glory. His son was Aja.
71. Fz. p. 872, col. 2.
72. No. 36, L. 12; No. 37, L. 21 :
^ffa^nprr 3trr TMf^rnrTfefa: i
73. Jg. Vol. Ill, pp. 501-2.
Fz. p. 1125, col. 1-2.
74. No. 43, L. 30 : g*Rf
75. No. 52, LL. 11-12 :
76. Jg. Vol. Ill, pp. 349-50.
77. Fz. p. 1035. col. 2; some scholars doubt the historicity of Vyasa
as a person and consider him to be a mythical personage, or that it
simply meant 'an arranger' (Kalyana, Year 41, No. 7, July, 1967, Gita
Press, Gorakhpur, pp. 1036-38). Vyasa appears as the term for a narrator
of the Epics and the Puranas. It came to refer to learned brahmanas who
did this work. It appears that Vyasa was really a historical person, who
rearranged the Vedas and the Puranas. He seems to have started a tradi-
tion or school of learning. After his death his name was associated with
his chair or seat of learning which was maintained by his successors or
disciples. Vyasa is still the gotra of many families. The literary refe-
rences to Vyasa are available in the Brahmanas and the Sutra literature
as well as in the Mahabharata and the later Sanskrit literature (op. cit.,
Kalyana, pp. 1038-41). Here we do not propose to enter into the compli-
cated question of the date of Vyasa and connected events and characters.
But, as is well known the Period of the Brahmanas is generally supposed
to extend from 1000 B.C. to 600 B.C., likewise the Sutra literature is taken
to extend from sixth or seventh century before Christ to about the second
century. The Mahabharata is generally supposed to have taken its present
form in the long interval from the fifth century B.C. to A.D. 400. But the first
compilation of the kernel of the Mahabharata story from scattered gathas
may be placed much earlier. This receives some support from the tradi-
tion of three stages in the evolution of the Mahabharata text. If Vyasa
is accepted as a contemporary of Krna and of the Mahabharata war we
may place Vyasa round about 1000 B.C.
78. Ibid., p. 727, col. 3 : Badara means 'water' ; one who is brought
102 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
forth in water may be called Badarayana.
79. Jg. Vol. I, p. 450 : See Krna II.
80. Fz. p. 855, col. 1;
Jg. Vol. Ill, pp. 32-33.
Names of Women
We have already discussed the names of queens in another
context. Here we confine ourselves to other feminine names.
1. Damasvdmini (No. 55, LL. 3-4) :
She is said to have raised a pillar in the memory of her dead
parents at Rajghat in Varanasl.
The first part of the name, Daman, means a 'rope' or
'girdle' 1 (originally 'bond', from v 'da 'to bind'). But the
Amarakosa gives a better explanation which takes us nearer
to the original meaning. It explains 'Daman' 1 as ( Sanddnam\
i.e., a rope tethered to a cow at the time of milking it. 2 The
second part of the name is 'svaminV which means 'a propri-
etress, mistress' or owner of (gen., loc. or comp.). 3
The parents might have given her this name out of affec-
tion as she was a helping hand in tethering the rope to the
cow while milking it. 4 The name indicates affection by the
parents.
2. DevakI (Wo. 13, L. 13) :
The reference comes in the passage which describes how
Skandagupta returned victorious to his mother just as Lord
Krsna went to DevakI after killing his enemy. 5 Sewell suggests
that the name of Skandagupta's mother was DevakI and he
has been followed by some other scholars. According to D.C.
Sircar the simile may further suggest that some maternal uncle
of Skandagupta actually fought against him in support of his
rival and that his mother, possibly not the chief queen of his
father, had to experience difficulties for sometime. 6
DevakI is a patronymic formed by adding T suffix to
Devaka, literally meaning 'divine, celestial', who was her
father. 7 She was the wife of Vasudeva and the mother of
Krsna. 8
3. Harisvamim (No. 23, LL. 1, 10) :
104 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Upasikd (lay-worshipper) HarisvaminI, was the wife of Updsaka
Sanasiddha who donated money to the Arya-samgha (commu-
nity of the faithful) at the great vihafa (Buddhist convent) of
Kakanadabota (i.e., the great stupp at Sand) for feeding
one Bhiksu everyday and maintaining lamps in the shrines of
the Buddha.^
The first part of the name, Hari , stands alike for Lord
Krsna, Visnu and Siva. The second part is 'SvaminV meaning
mistress. Thus the whole literally means 'one who has Hari
as her master'.
4. Padmavati (No. 22, L. 5) :
She was the mother of Sarhkara, an ascetic, under whose instruc-
tions the image of the Jina-vara-parsvanatha was made.
In the inscription we have the un-Paninian use of the locative
'Padmavatau' in place of 'Padmavatyam' but it seems to have
been done to suit the metre.
Padmavati is a synonym far Laksml. In India it has been a
popular name for women. 10
5. Rami(No. 28, LL. 4, 12, 17) :
She has been mentioned as the wife of a brahmana, named
Nathas"arman.
Kami means 'darkness or night'. 11 It may mean 'a woman
of dark complexion' or it can be a patronymic from Rama. 12
Monier Williams mentions the form with short '/' suffix (Rami)
but it can be with long 7' as well, as we have 'Devakl' a
patronymic from Devaka. 13 Chatterji mentions it to be a
feminine form of Rama and considers it a naming pattern
prevalent among the lower classes 14
6. Sdbhdti (No. 55, L. 3) :
The form of the name should have better been Sabhati. She
was the mother of DamasvaminI who raised a pillar in her
memory.
The name seems to have some relation with the word
Sabha* 5 It can be an adjective from the word Sabhd combined
with \/'af to move. Literally it may mean "one who moves
in assemblies".
7. amadhya(No. 31, L. 2) :
Samadhya is a Prakritized form of the word 'Syamadhya'. She
was the daughter of Bhattib hava and the wife of the ferryman
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
105
Grahamittrapalita.
The first part sama' is a contraction of Sanskrit
Literally the name may mean 'Sydmena adhya\ i.e., having a
dark or swarthy complexion which in Sanskrit poetic tradition
is considered a mark of beauty. 17
CONCLUSION
We may review our discussion before we conclude as follows :
Names of the Gupta kings
Among the names of the Gupta kings 'Gupta' is an example
of an abbreviated name. Chatotkaca. Chatotkacagupta, PQru-
guptaand Vainyagupta are the Epic names. Budhagupta is a
naksatra-nama (name based on constellation). Bhanugupta is a
name based on the Sun god.
Govindagupta, Narasirhhgupta and Visnugupta are Vaisna-
vite names. Candragupta (I), Samudragupta, Candragupta (II),
Kumaragupta (I), Skandagupta, Kumaragupta (II) and Kumara-
gupta (III) are Saivite names. The names of Skandagupta and
Kumaragupta exhibit the popularity of the war-god Skanda or
Karttikeya. 18
The names Candragupta and Kumargupta were repeated in
the Gupta family which is against the Mahabhasya rule 19 that
the first part of the name can be borrowed from one of the
three male ancestors but the second part of the name should
be different. It may be said that the repetition of the second
part could not be avoided due to the tendency of the Guptas
to add to their names the termination 'Gupta' which had
almost become their family name.
Names of the Gupta queens
Among the names of the Gupta Queens KumaradevI,
Anantadevi, Candradevi, Srlvatsadevi and MitradevI were
after gods. In DattadevI, the name-ending termination 'datta'
forms the first part of the name. The name Dhruvadevl or
Dhruvasvamini was based on Dhruva (polar star). This was
against Smrti injunctions. Manu says that a brahmana should
not marry a maiden who bears the name of a constellation,
tree or river, of a low caste, of a mountain, of a bird, snake
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 107
or slave, or of anything terrifying. 20 The names of women
derived from the names of the naksatras are forbidden by the
Dharmasutras. 21
Devi meaning goddess is the common termination in all the
names except Dhruvasvaminl which ends in Svamini meaning
'mistress'.
It is interesting to note that Kamarupa king Pusyavarman's
son Samudravarman was named after the Gupta king Samudra-
gupta. Moreover, Samudravarman's queen took the same name
as that of the queen of Samudragupta, i.e. Dattadevi. 22 Barua
considers Samudravarman to be the contemporary of Candra-
gupta II, Vikramaditya and the celebrated poet Kalidasa. 23
We also take into account the other feminine names which
are as follows :
(i) DamasvaminI
(ii) Devaki
(iii) HarisvaminI
(iv) PadmavatI
(v) RamI
(vi) Sabhati
(vii) amadhya
In feminine names we notice the terminations svaminl and
vati. We find that the feminine names in our inscriptions
generally end in T.
Now we classify the names according to the deities they
represent. Some names were used by more than one person
and somehow seem to have been popular. As they appear in
more than one inscription and for different individuals we have
listed them separately.
Saivite Names
1. Acyutabhadra 2. Sivakunda
3. Ratibhadra 4. Bhavanatha
5. Kumarabhava 6. Bhavaraksita
7. Rudrabhava 8. HimaSarmman
9. Sarvvadasa 10. Aparasiva
11. Bhavadatta 12. Vasu&va
13. Guhavisnu 14. Jyesthadama
15. Kumaravisnu 16. Kumaradeva
108
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
17. Sarvvavisnu
19. Somavisnu
21. Bhava
23. Boyila
25. Guha
27. Samkara
29. Damarudra
31. ISvaracandra
33. Kumarabhuti
35. Kumarayasas
37. Mahasena
39. Sthanudatta
41. Mahasenadatta
43. Sivasarmman
45 Abhayamitra
47. Bhadra
49. Bhattibhava
51. Bhattisoma
54. Guhanandin
56. Kusika
58-60. Kumaragupta (I),
and (III)
62. Somila
64. Upamita
66. Sambapala
68. Skandapala
7Q. Prabhucandra
72. Rudradasa
74. Sthanunandin
Vaisnavite Names
1. Jayadatta
3. Krsnadatta
5. Harideva
7. Bhima
9. Krsnadasa
11. Gopadatta
13. Haridasa
15. Visnudatta
18. Svamicandra
20. ivanandin
22. Somapala
24. Stambhesvardasa
26. Ganapati
28. Ganapatinaga
30. Candravarmman
32. Rudradatta
34. Rudradeva
36. Ugrasena
38. Acyutanandin
40. Bhima
42. Bhimavarman
44. Ciratadatta
46. Sikharasvamin
48. Candragupta
50. Sarvvanaga
52-53. Candragupta (I) and (II)
55. Samudragupta
57. Rudrasoma
(II) 61. Skandagupta
63. Udi(ta)caryya
65. Kumaradevi
67. Anantadevl
69. Candradevi
71. Surasmicandra
73. Sasinandin
2. Hari-Sresthin
4. Sridatta
6. Srldeva
8. Krsnamitra
10. Srlnatha
12. Harisarmman
14. Jayasvamin
16. Guhavisnu
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
109
17. Dhrtivisnu
19. Harisimha
21. Gopala
23. Srlbhadra
25. Visnubhadra
27. ...visnu
29. Gopasvamin
31. Srlbhadra
33 Acyuta
35. Gopala
37. Guha
39. Hari
41. Nabhaka
43. Visva
45. Nandadama
47. Srlbhadra
49; Visvavarmman
5 1 . Vi snupalitabhatta
53. Gopadevasvamin
55. Jayabhattisvamin
57. Devavisnu
59. Haritrata
61. Devakl
63. Harisvamini
65. Padmavati
67. Govindagupta
69. AnantadevI
7 1 . Narasi rhhagupta
18. Jay a visnu
20. Kirttivisnu
22. Kumaravisnu
24. Sarvvavisnu
26. Somavisnu
28. Yafovisnu
30. Harisena
32. Acyuta nandin
34. Dhanyavisnu
36. Harivisnu
38. Indra visnu
40. Matrvisnu
42. Varunavisnu
44. Visnudasa
46. Visnugopa
48. Goparaja
50. Kurma(a)ravyabhajta
52. Acyuta
54. Madhava
56. Harisena
58. Gopasvamin
60. Harisena
62. Cakrapalita
64. Jayadatta
66. Acyutadasa
68. Visnugupta
70. SrlvatsadevI
Names based on Skanda or Karttikeya
1. Kumarabhava
2. Guhavisnu
3. Kumaravisnu
4. Kumaravisnu
5. Kumarabhuti
6. Kumarayasas
7. Mahasena
8. Mahasenadatta
9. Guhanandin
110
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
10. Skandapala
1 1 . Kumaradeva
12.- 14. Kumaragupta (I), (II) and (III)
15. Skandagupta
Names based on Ganapati
1. Ganapati
2. Ganapatinaga
Names based on Moon
\ . Himasarmman
2. Sornavisnu
3. Somila
In order to determine the prevalence of aivite names we
may keep out of our consideration, names which are not directly
based on iva but are based on auxiliary deities. Names based
on god Moon are Bhattisoma, Isvaracandra, Prabhucandra,
SaSinandin, Svamicandra, Somapala, Candravarmman, Candra-
gupta (I) and (II), queen CandradevI and Sura$micandra.
Names based on Lord Krsna
1 . Krsnadatta
2. Harideva
3. Kfsnamitra
4. Haris*armman
5. Gopala
6. Hari
7. Nandadama
8. Gopadevasvamin
9. Haritrata
10. Krsna
1 1 . DevakI
12. Harisvamin!
13. Hari-sresthin
14. Krsnadasa
15. Gopadatta
16. Haridasa
17. Harisimha
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 1 1 1
18. Gopala
19. Gopasvamin
20. Harisena
21. Harivisnu
22. Visnugopa
23. Goparaja
24. Harisena
25. Gopasvamin
26. Harisena
27 Govindagupta
Though Krsna is an incarnation of Visnu 24 , for determining
the currency of names based on Visnu directly, we will not
count names based on Krsna.
Lord Rama is believed to be the seventh incarnation of Visnu.
Rama occurring in our inscriptions seems to have been Rama
Raghava. The names based on Rama are given below :
Names based on Rama
1. Laksmanasarmman
2. Ramasvamin
3. Raghava
4. Ram!
5. Laksmana
6. Ramadasa
7. Rama
8. Ramaka
9. Ramasarmman
Other minor deities of the period which emerge out from
an analysis of the proper names are as follows :
Names based on Naga
1 . Nagadeva
2. Rajyanaga
3. Viranaga
4. Sarppapalita
5. Ahisarmman
6. Nagasarmman
7. Bhatanandin
8. Nagadatta
112 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
9. Amrakarddava
10. Nagasena
1 1 . Anantadevi
Names based on Indra
1. Puramdara
2. Jayanandin
3. Mahendragiri
4. Devaraja
5. Indravisnu
Names based on Sun
1 . Bhaskara
2. Adityabandhu
3. Divakaranandin
4. Arkkadasa
5. Ravila
6. Prabhakara
7. Devabhattaraka
8. Bhanugupta
9. Mitradevl
The only name based on Goddess Durga is 'Durgadatta\
The two names based on Matr cult (seven Matrkas)
follow :
1. Matrdasa
2. Matrvisnu
There is only one name based on god Varuna (Sea-god),,
which is Varunavisnu.
The names based on Nara form of God are Narayanadasa^
Naradeva and Nara-Nandin.
We find that both the Saivite and Vaisnavite names are
almost equal in number. If we delete the names of allied deities
we get about 51 Saivite names and 44 Vaisnavite names.
Thus Saivite names seem to be more popular. An indication of
the leaning of the Gupta kings towards Vaisnavism is clear
from the Garuda emblem of the Guptas. 25 The gupta monarchs
also used the title 'Paramabhagavata' i.e.; the devout devotee
of Visnu, in their imperial records. Majority of the names of
Guptas show a preference for Saivism. We know from the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 1 13
Mathura Pillar Inscription of the year 61 (No. 41) about the
Lakulisa sect of the Pasupatas which was very popular at
Mathura. Kusika one of the four main disciples of its founder
Lakulisa who is regarded as the last incarnation of iva finds
mention in this record. Parasara, Upamita, Kapila and Udita
were the Pasupata teachers, who flourished in the Gupta
period. We know of the prevalence of the worship of goddess
Durga and Siva's two sons, Karttikeya and Ganesa. There are
two names based on Cupid (god of love) which are Ratibhadra
and Maravisa. The popularity of Naga worship in the Gupta
period known from other sources is confirmed by an analysis
of the names. Other categories of names are Buddhist and Jaina
names which also indicate popularity of Hindu sects to some
extent. They are as follows :
1 . Abhayamitra
2. Guhanandin
3. Gosarmman
4. Jitasena
5. Dat(tt)ilacarya
6. ParsVa
7. Buddhamitra
8. Bhattibhava
9. Bhattisoma
10. Bhadra
1 1 . Madra
12. Rudrasoma
13. Sarhkara
14. Santideva
15. Sanasiddha
16. Somila
17. Buddha
18. Samghiladeva
19. Samghila
A large number of names discussed by us reveal an incli-
nation towards Saivism. Biihler had already proved from the
date of the Sanci Stupa Inscriptions that the worship of Visnu
and Siva is older than Buddhism and Jainism. It can be gues-
sed that the donors mentioned in the records or their ancestors
adhered to these creeds .before their conversion and that they
114 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
received their names in accordance with the established customs
of their families. 26
We also find some Epic and Puranic names which show
the popularity of the Epics and the Puranas. The names are :
1 . Ghatotkaca
2. Ghatotkacagupta
3. Purugupta
4. Vainyagupta
5. Partha
6. Prthu
7. Vyasa
8. Yudhisthira
9. Bhlma
10. Dhananjaya
1 1 . Sagara
1 2. Parasara
Another considerable group of proper names is derived
from the names of Naksatras. This shows that the rule in the
Grhyasutras recommending the use of Naksatra names, was
obeyed. These names are as follows :
1 . Pusyamitra
2. Dhruvasarman
3. DhruvadevI, DhruvasvaminI (against the rules in case
of women)
4. Budhagupta
Madra and Khasaka are the two names which may be termed
as tribal names, presumably pointing to the tribes to which
they belonged.
Names based on colour are (1) Kalaka, (2) Kapila, (3)
Pingala and (4) Nllaraja.
The names based on animals are Sirhhaha(da)tta, Simha-
nandin, Ganda, Sarabharaja, Vyaghraraja, Hastivarmman,
Chagalaga and Sandaka.
The names based on abstract qualities are : (1) Bhadradeva
ICamanakunda, Rupa&rmman, Susarmman, Bandhumitra,
Amrtadeva, Samadhya, Ribhupala, Dhrtimitra, Matidatta,
Ksemadatta, Balavarmman, Dhruvabhuti, Matila,and Vlrasena.
We can also classify the names into two categories, Sanskrit
and non-Sanskrit or Prakrit names. A few of the second group
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 115
may be enumerated here :
1 . Piccakunda
2. Prabhamitra
3. Kahkuti
4. Bonda
5. Vailinaka
6. Karppatika
7. Ri&datta
8. Rami
9. Dudika
10. Lidhaka
The names of brahmanas occurring in our inscriptions
sometimes end in a non-brahmanic cognomen such as Bhatta,
Datta and Kunda, etc., which are available in the inscrip-
tions of Bengal. Surnames like Datta, Dama, Pajita, Pala,
Kunda (Kundu), Dasa, Naga and Nandin are now confined
to Kayasthas of Bengal but not to brahmanas. Bhandarkar 27
has pointed out that identical surnames are used by the
Nagara-brahmanas. It cannot be said definitely whether the
name-endings in daman occurring in the names of several
aka satraps portraying Iranian influence 28 have any relation-
ship with the name-ending 'daman' found in our records.
Noticing brahmanic names with a large number of modern
Bengali Kayastha cognomens in several early epigraphs
discovered in Bengal, some scholars have suggested that there
is a considerable brahmana element in the present day Kayastha
community of Bengal. Originally the professions of Kayastha
(scribe) and Vaidya (physician) were not restricted and could
be followed by people of different Varnas including the
brahmanas. So there is every probability that a number of
brahmana families were mixed up with members of other
Varnas in forming the present Kayastha and Vaidya commu-
nities of Bengal. 29
Kayasthas frequently figure in our inscriptions usually
as professional writers. The office of Kayastha (scribe) seems
to have been instituted before the beginning of Gupta period.
It seems likely that they had not developed into a caste during
our period "This may account for the non-reference to them
as a caste in the contemporary Smrtis". 30 Majumdar 31 says
116 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
that the Gupta emperors were vaisyas but this is wrong, as we
have shown that they were certain lynon- vaisyas.
Professions were not determined rigidly according to caste.
We find in our records that some brahmanas followed non-
brahmanical professions. Likewise some ksatriyas followed
non-ksatriya professions. We find in the Eran Stone Pillar
Inscription of Budhagupta, of the year 165 (No. 18) that
Matrvisnu, a brahmana, was a feudatory of the Guptas in
Central India. Indravisnu, and Varunavisnu the great grand-
father and grand-father respectively of the donor are described
as pious brahmanas who were engaged in spiritual and religious
pursuits. In the Inscription the heroic and victorious character
of Matrvisnu is stated. From the Indor Copper Plate Inscrip-
tion of Skandagupta of the year 146 (No. 16), we come to
know that two ksatriyas Acalavarman and Bhrukunthasimha
were merchants of the town of Indrapura in U.P.
REFERENCES
1. Vg. part I, p. 351.
2. Amarakola, 2.9.73, p. 331.
3. Fz. p. 1284, see Svamin and Svamini.
4. Cf. Uy. 3/4 p. 146.
'A daughter is called 'Duhita' as she milks the cow.
5. No. 13. V. 6.
6. Hz. p. 323, note 2.
7. See Fz. p. 495, col. 2-3.
8. Ibid., col. 3.
9. (Dx) 1 p. 261.
10. Fz. p. 585, col. 1
11. Ibid., p. 877, col. 1
12. Ibid., p. 878, col. 3.
13. Supra, See Devaki
14. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. Part, II, p. 695 :
"Rami(< Rama), s(y)ami (< Syama), Baml (Varna, Vami).
15. Fz. p. 1204, col. 2.
16. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. Part II, p. 695 :
s(y)ami (< Syamd).
17. Fz. 1094, col. 2.
18. Cf. H,D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 107.
19. JJ. XIV, p. 242 (Mahabhasya, ed. by Kielhorn, Vol. I, p. 4).
20. Manu-smrti, III. 8-9.
21. Varaha-Grhya-sutra, III, 1-3 : JJ. XIV, p. 233 : Cf. Pargiter, M.
pp. 134-6.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 117
22. K.L. Barua, Zz. p. 41 .
23. Ibid., p. 43.
24. Fz. p. 877, col. 2.
25. No. 1, L. 24.
26. Cf. GJ. II, p. 95, p. 366 if.
27. GJ. 19, p. 246.
28. Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, Mg. pp. 13, 77-78.
29. JJ.19, pp. 17-18.
30. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p . 345.
31. Ibid., p. 344.
PART TWO
NAMES OF THE TRIBES
OWT THAI
CTT i arTT r r iro
yl jf trtii. J lv/
Prologue
Tribal Names occurring in our records make it clear that
they represented a heterogeneous stock of people in Indian
society and that ethnic or geographical factors predominated.
The locality or country was generally known by the plural of
the tribal name. The original name of the tribe whether
ethnic or territorial may be hypothetical since it is difficult
to determine exactly whether the place gave the name to
the tribe or the tribe to the place. We find many exam-
ples where the tribes gave their names to the places after
they were known by some ethnic or tribal appellations. For
example, we know that Videha obtained its name from the
settlement of the Videgha tribe who \vere lead by their king
Mathava when they pushed forward to the east from the
Sara svati 1 and that Pancala denoted the country or kingdom
which the Ksatriya tribe Pancala occupied. 2 With a definite
territory of their own, they lost their tribal character and'
assumed the functions of the ruler. The names of the janapadas 1
thus given continued even if the tribe migrated somewhere'
else; rather it gave the names to the janapadas wherever it
settled. Thus we know the divisions of the Malavas, Yaudhe-
yas, the Kurus and the Madras.
These tribes went through various vicissitudes due to
the growth of big imperial states viz. of the Mauryas and
the Guptas, and foreigns invasions from the north-west. They
had replaced old Vedic tribes in many places and flourished
during the period from 6th century B.C. to A.D. 4th-5th
century. Though Altekar 3 has pointed out that they flourished
only in north-western and north-eastern zone and conspic-
uously absented themselves in the south, we find the evi-
dence of self-governing people, though scanty, in South
India as well. The Rock Edict XIII refers to some territories
122 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
in the south which are mentioned as a people and not as
kingdoms. 4 Not only that the Satiyaputras and the Kerala-
putras are also mentioned in the Second Rock Edict of Asoka. 5
We find some tribes known probably after proper names
viz., the Yaudheyas and Arjunayanas as well as the proper
names used after the tribes. 6 We also know of Madra as a
personal name in our records. K.P. Jayaswal has pointed out
that the sudra republic is evidently the same whom Alexander
met in lower Sind and whom 'we have identified with the
brahminical Saudras or Saudrayanas of the Ganapatha'. On
grammar it is based on the proper name (of a man) Sudra,
not the caste-name. 7
The tribes did not live in isolation and interacted with
society. The bond that held so heterogeneous a society together,
made it a society rather than a set of tribes, was not so much
common ritual and common language but as a whole it was an
aggregate of common needs satisfied by reciprocal exchange.
The indigenous tribes based on caste and family founded
the republican kingdoms. They worked singularly or formed
confederations to save themselves from foreign aggressions.
The republics had emerged from the Vedic tribes and retained
much more tribal tradition than did the monarchies. In the
transition from tribe to republic they lost the essential demo-
cratic pattern of the tribe but retained the idea of government
through an assembly representing the tribe. 8 Tribal organiza-
tion was based on a smaller geographical area and permitted
the functioning of a popular government more effectively. 9
The words Sarhgha andGana have been synonymously used
for these republics. Panini makes frequent use of the word
Sarhgha in his Astadhyayl. It seems later the word Sarhgha
became representative of the Buddhist order and hence the use
of the term was dropped for a republic and only the word
'Gana' was retained for the purpose. 10
The Ayudhajlvin republics of Panini had become Varta-
sastropajlvins by the time of Kautilya, probably they had
taken to agriculture and industry side by side with their
common profession of military art. They are enumerated by
Kautilya as the Kambojas, the Surastras, the Ksatriyas, the
Srenis, and 'others'. 11 The other class of republics bore the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 123
title Rajanor king, are as follows : The Licchavikas, the Vrjikas,
the Mallakas, the Madrakas, the Kukuras, the Kurus, the
Pancalas, and 'others'. 12 Basham opines that the Arthasastra
refers ironically to the martial arrogance and practical ineptitude
of the republics when it mentions the members of the seven
named tribes "making a living by the title of ra/a". 13
We do not agree with Basham since we know from a
passage in the later Vedic literature that the Uttarakurus and
the Uttaramadras were kingless (vairajya) states, where
people, the heads of founder families, were consecrated
for the rulership. 14 Kautilya has also placed the Madrakas
and the Kurus along with the Licchavis. We can compare them
with the Licchavis whose 7,707 members, probably the
descendants of the founder members of the privileged aristo-
cracy, who were all entitled to the honorific title raja. 15 At a
certain time while dealing with the history of republican tribes
in India some extravagant claims were made by some scholars
like K.P. Jayaswal who wrote under nationalistic predilections
to prove that not only a constitutional form of Government,
but the entire parliamentary system, including Address to the
Throne and Voting of grants, was prevalent in India and that
responsible Government, with all that it implies in the West,
existed in ancient India with its full paraphernalia. 16
It may be mentioned that these republics were not demo-
cracies in the modern sense of the term where franchise is
vested in as large a number of citizens as possible. We find
that some of them had mixed constitutions, while others were
transforming themselves to monarchy. Some of them may even
be termed as oligarchies. We can call them Ksatriya aristo-
cracies where the power was vested in the hands of consecrated
Ksatriyas (Murdhabhisikta).
Panini 17 distinguishes between the Malavas or Ksudrakas
and the Malavyas and Ksudrakyas respectively. The former
denoted the Ksatriya and brahmana aristocracy while the
latter the common folk. Similarly the AmarakoSa distinguishes
between the Rajanayaka gana and the rajaka-gana. In the
former the power was vested in the descendants of the original
founder families enjoying the title of the raja', whereas in the
case of latter it was vested in all the Ksatriya families whether
124 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
descended from the original founders or not. 18
But the Gana indicated a certain type of state, sharply
distinguished from monarchy, is proved by a reference from
the Avadanas*ataka where it is narrated that when some mer-
chants from MadhyadeSa, travelling in the Deccan, were asked
by a local ruler as to who the kings were in their respective
homelands, they replied, 'Sir, in the countries of some of us
there are kings but in those of others, there is gana or republican
government'. 19 That gana had a definite constitutional
meaning is also supported by the evidence from the Jain
literature, the coin-legends of the Yaudheyas, Malavas and
Arjunayanas as well as by the writings of the contemporary
Greek writers. 20
It may be admitted that the ancient Indian republics were
regular states and not mere territories marked for different tribes*
They had crossed the tribal stage and had adopted the monar-
chical system or were transforming themselves to republicanism
or had mixed constitutions. They were small territorial units.
They issued their own coins and the coin-legends in Sanskrit.
It proves beyond doubt that they got Aryanized. They had weak
economy and followed their copper or silver coinage rather
than the gold currency system which had its start with Kaniska
in Northern India. In the time" of distress or as a friendly
gesture, they worked as auxiliary armies to the kings. Though
at times tributary to the great kingdoms, they exercised
internal autonomy.
Even when they migrated to other lands, it is not necessary
that the whole population .migrated, a majority of them might
have succumbed to the onslaughts of the invader or got merged
with the dominant tribe.
Tribes
After having said a word about the Gana state which some
of the following tribes represented, we shall now make a
discussion on the names of the tribes occurring in our records :
1. Abhlra (^o. 1, L. 22) :
They were one of the tribes subdued by Samudragupta.
Abhlras lived to the north of the Rajaputana desert. We may
also think of Abiravan between Herat and Kandahar which
may have been the original home of the Abhlras. In the 3rd
century A.D. there was an Abhlra kingdom in the north-
western Deccan. 21 D.C. Sircar 22 describes Abhlra in singular as
a member of the Cowherd Community. The tribe can still be
traced in the present Ahlras, 23 who in tribal groups, abound
largely in the Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Nepal and some portions
of Rajasthan. They are a band of simple, sturdy people,
mostly cowherds and agriculturists. 24 This tribe 25 is thought to
have played a big part in the propagation of the worship of
Krsna Govinda 26 in his pastoral aspect.
The Mahabharata 27 places the Abhlras in West Rajasthan
'where the Sarasvati disappears'.
In the first and second centuries A.D. they are located in
the country between the lower Sindhu valley and Kathiawar,
as is indicated in the 'Periplus' and in the Geography of
Ptolemy. 28 The Periplus calls their country Abiria. Abhira
generals served in the armies of aka Ksatraps of Western
India in the second century A.D. as is known from their
inscriptions. 29 They are also mentioned in the Mahabhasya
of Patanjali 30 in association with the Sudras, the Sodrai of
Alexander's time, who lived in northern Sind. Throughout
the third century A.D. the Abhlras exercised ruling power in
northern Konkan and Maharashtra. 31 Vatsyayana 32 refers to
the Harem of the Abhlra kings. The Markandeya Purana 33
126 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
and the Vayu Purana 34 refer to them as'Daksinapatha-vasinah'
or dwelling in the Southern Country. The Brhat-sarhhita 35
mentions them as being under the jurisdiction of Sani
(Saturn).
TheJodhpur Inscription of Sarhvat 918, records that the
Abhira people of this area were a terror to their neighbours,
because of their violent demeanour. 36 The Abhira robbers are
also mentioned in the Skanda Purana. 37 Epigraphic evidence
indicates the existence of an Abhira kingdom in the 14th
Century in Khandesh. 38
In the Sahitya Darpana of Visvanatha, 39 it is stated that
Abhiri is the language of the AbhTras and Candall of the
Candalas. Those who do woodwork can speak Abhiri or Sabarlj
either of the two. Dandin asserts that the speeches of the
AbhTras, etc., are termed as Apabhramsa in the Kavya 40 on
the basis of which probably Keith writes : "the Prakrit lyrics
passed into Apabhramsa as a result of the activities of the
Abhiras and the Gurjaras. 41 We know from the Amarakosa 42
that 'Abhiri' was used to denote -Abhira woman or the wife of
a cowherd'.
The Amarakosa 43 mentions Gopa, Gopala, Gosamkhya,
Godhuk and Ballava as the synonyms for Abhira and says that
the village or place where Abhiras lived is named as Ghosa or
Abhirapalll. 44
In the Kashmirian recension of the Mahabharata we get
the readings 'Kabhlra' and 'Kabhira' in place of Abhira. 45
These Kashmirian forms may have resulted from an attempt
to record an initial glottal opening in the language of the
Abhiras. The Kasmiras probably knew the Abhiras at an early
date. 46
Bhattacharya 47 describes the Abhirs or Ahirs as a cowherd
caste exceeding 8,000,000, and found almost everywhere in
India north of the Narmada. The Abhiras are mentioned as
foreigners in the Puranas. 48 Their kings were regarded as
vratya and mostly sudras (black). 49 In the Mahabharata the
Abhiras are called Mleccha. 50 According to Manu 51 they were
the sons of a brahmana man and an ambastha woman, the
Ambasthas being of mixed origin and known as the Anava
ksatriyas. 52 The Brhatsarhhita 53 places the Abhiras in the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 127
Southern quarter of India.
Shafer 54 considers them to be an admixture possibly of
white Iranian blood with enough Bhil blood to give them a
a very dark colour and concludes that they were western
Anavas. 55
2. Arjunayanas (No. 1, L. 22) :
One of the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta.
The name Arjuneya is mentioned in the Rgveda as the
patronymic of Kautsa. 56 The tribe, associated with the name
of Arjuna, existed in the Punjab and the North- West up to
the advent cf Gupta power in the fourth century A.D. 57 The
word Arjuna in the Vedic literature 58 denotes 'white* and
'white leprcsy' and is also an epithet of Indra. But it does not
denote a tribe or a human hero.
The word Arjuna has an unmistakable resemblance with
the Saka word erzuna, meaning a 'leader' or 'chief which is
derived from arzi. Analogous to it are the Saka words aljsd,
meaning 'silvery' and aljsata, meaning 'silver', that are akin to
the Avestan word erezata (silver), the Sanskrit word rajata
(silver) and the Persian word arziz (tin). 59 All these words have
the original sense of whiteness and brightness, that are also
connoted by the word arjuna in Sanskrit. It is highly significant
that Arjuna, the hero of the Mahabharata, is said to have borne
this name, because he was 'white' and 'pure' in action. 60 All
over the Eurasian steppes the nobles were regarded as 'white'
and the commoners were considered 'black'. Hence the word
for white colour was employed to denote the idea of leadership.
This is why erzuna was used in the sense of a 'leader' in Saka
languages. 61
Vedic and Saka both branched from the same parent Indo-
European language. Hence many words were common to both.
But whereas arjuna in Vedic lost its pristine sense and was
only used as an adjective, signifying 'whiteness', in Saka it
meant a 'tribe' and a human hero and later on this sense was
imparted to this word in India as a result of the impact of the
Sakas. 62
The tribe, bearing the name of Arjuna, was also connected
with some people of Chinese Turkestan, whose heroes, and
kings had this designation. 63 In the Uighur redaction of the
J28 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Hidimbavadha 64 the name of Arjuna occurs in the form of
Arcuni. 65 According to Sylvain Levi, this episode of the Maha-
bharata owed the privilege of entering into the Turkish world
to the presence of the name of Arjuna in it, who was regarded
as the eponymous founder of the dynasties of some. Central
Asiatic oases-states. 66
Panini 67 refers to the worshipper of Arjuna, called Arjunaka,
together with the devotee of Vasudeva, called Vasudevaka.
This remark implies that Arjuna was treated as a deity at the
time of Panini and his followers occupied a prominent posi-
tion. 68 The Kasika replaces Auddalakayana of Patanjali by
Arjunayana, 69 the name of a tribe nearer to its own time in
discussing the meaning of Pracya-bharata (II.4.66).
From the accounts relating to the invasion of India by
Alexander we learn that a tribe named Agalassoi (Arjunayana)
fought with Alexander. 70
The Brhat-samhita 71 places the Arjunayana in the northern
division of India and describes them, as being in the region of
Brhaspati. 72
Ptolemy refers to a people in the Punjab whom he calls
Pandoouoi=PsindsLVas with whom the Arjunayanas may be
connected. 74 Arjunayana coins are found in the Mathura
region and 'they may be assigned with probability to the region
lying west of Agra and Mathura, equivalent, roughly speaking,
to the Bharatpur and Alwar States'. 75
3. Atavika-mja (No. 1, L.21) :
It is stated in the inscription that Samudragupta made all the
kings of the forest countries his servants. 76 A mention
of the forest kingdoms has also been made in Khoh Copper
plate inscription of Samkshobha Gupta year 209. 77 These
18 forest kingdoms were apparently in Central India
including Dahala or the Jabalpur region. 78 We find a refe-
rence to the same in the Kanas plate of Lokavigraha. 79
The Vayu and Matsya Puranas (XLV, 126 and CXIII, 48)
read Atavyas which is no doubt the correct reading. Atavl as
a city of the Deccan is mentioned in the Mahabharata. 80 The
Atavyas were certainly the same as the Atavikas of the
Allahabad Pillar Inscription and were perhaps aboriginal
tribes dwelling in the jungle tracts of Central India. 81 We find
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 129
a reference to the Atavikas or the forest savages in the
Arthasastra of Kautilya and it was an Arthasastra practice
to hire the Atavikas as scouts and army auxiliaries, 82 which
needs must influence their future advance to civilization.
Atavika-raja should be translated as 'forest-kings' or 'kings of
forest countries'. We get a reference to Jangalas in the Puranic
List of Peoples. 83 Similar terms 'vana-rdstrd 1 'forest-countries'
and vana-rajya 'forest-kingdoms' also occur in the Brhat-
Samhita. 84 But these countries lay in the north-east division
of India, as mapped out by Varahamihira, and they are, at
any rate, not the countries referred here. 85
In the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata, in one line of
Sahadeva's digvijaya, Professor Franklin Edgerton changes
Atavi to Antdkhi, so that the line will refer to Antioch, Rome
and the Greeks. Antioch, Rome and Greece were intimately
associated in history and consequently they are still associated
in the minds of Western scholars, and hence Antdkhi made
more sense to Edgerton in connection with Rome and the
Greeks than Atavl. But it only represents his personal opi-
nion. 86
4. Daivaputra^ (No. 1, L. 23) :
Daivaputras along with Sahis, Sahanusahis, akas and
Murundas are mentioned to have paid homage to Samudra-
gupta by rendering to him all kinds of service.
The word 'Daivaputra' denotes those 'who belong to
devaputra', i.e., Kaniska, i.e., the Kusana ruler. The title
devaputra has frequently been used as a title by the Kusana
kings. 88
The common belief is that the designation devaputra 'god-
son' was copied by the Kusanas from the ancient Chinese
imperial title, 'T'ien-tzu', 'son of heaven'. 89 Thomas considers
that this title used by the Kusanas must have been borrowed
from the Hsiung-nu (a Central Asian Tribe) and not directly
from the Chinese. 90 Narain also believes the title to have been
borrowed by the Kusanas from Central Asia. 91 The title has
been frequently used by the kings in the Kharosthi documents
discovered from Chinese Turkestan. 92 As regards the origin of
the title, the divinity of the kings has been stressed upon in
many ancient empires. 93 The ancient Indian concept for 'Deva-
130 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
putra' 94 meaning 'god-son' is slightly different. It was not used
for worldly kings but specifically for a class of distinguished
divinites, which in Indian Buddhist texts was specifically used
for four regional 'great kings', i.e., regents of four quarters,
East, West, North and South who were 'sons of heaven'. In
the later Kusana times, the term seems to have denoted the
sense of Royal insignia. 95 In a Buddhist text of this period the
question is raised 'why kings are called devaputra' and the
answer is that before being born as a man, he was abiding
among the gods (devas) and that, because the thirty-three gods
(each) contributed to his substance, therefore, he is 'god-son'. 96
That Daivaputra denotes the Kusanas is obvious, since, no
other Indian king is known to have been styled 'devaputra'.
Though Indian kings were usually addressed as 'Deva', we do
not find any evidence of an Indian king referring to himself as
deva. The Kusanas did not adopt devaputra as an official title
in early times. It is totally absent from their coins, its reading
on one coin of Kujula Kara Kaphsa being an error which
has been noticed by Thomas after re-examining the coin in
consultation with Allan. 97 Kaniska has not used the title even
in Peshawar Casket Inscriptions which were officially engraved.
It is only in documents inscribed by Indians that the title
'devaputra' is used for the Kusana kings. 98 The title is used for
the first time for Kaniska (known as Candana Kaniska). 99
Maharaja -rajatiraja devaputra Kusana of the Taxila Silver
Scroll Inscription is generally taken to refer to Kaniska. 100
As rightly observed by Thomas "the devaputrasa of the scroll
inscription is the first known instance of the application to
the Kusanas of the designation devaputra, which regularly,
though not invariably, recurs with Kaniska and his succes-
sors." 10 !
Thus we do not find the title Devaputra being used by
the Kusana rulers themselves but was applied to them by the
Indians. Why of all ruling dynasties only the Kusanas were
designated as 'Devaputras' is really inexplicable. Thomas
suggests two possibilities. It may be due to the fact that the
Indians saw some similarity between the figures of the grand
Yaksa and those of the burly Kusana kings and the superior
title of 'Devaputra' may have appeared to be a suitable appel-
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
131
lation. Another possibility is that they found some similarity
between the Kusana kings and Kubera (described in India as
regent of the north and god of wealth and known as Devaputra
in ancient Indian concept of Devaputra which simply means
god-son), especially in view of the lavish gold coinage of the
Kusanas. Asvaghosa refers to the 'great king Kanika' as
'guardian of the northern heaven'. 102 It is also likely that
the title devaputramay have been given due to Siva-mahesvara,
whom we have seen styled as Devaputra and who is the sole
deity figured on the coins of Wima Kadphises. 103 These facts
need further investigation.
Most probably from the Epic Period, Indian concept of
Devaputra 'god-son' is linked with kings to give them divinity
and not as a title. 104 Asoka could claim the title only of
'Devandm priya' 105 meaning 'the beloved of the gods'. Thus
Devaputra or 'god-son' was a superior title given to the Kusanas
by Indians. It is interestiagio note that the epithet Devaputravat
has been used for Buddha in one of our inscriptions 106
5. Huna(No. 13, L. 15) :
They are mentioned in the Bhitari Stone PillarifaKcription
of Skandagupta in which Skandagupta (A.D. 455467) is
stated to have inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Hunas : "By
whose (Skandagupta's) two arms the earth was shaken, w
he, the creator (of a disturbance like that) of a terrible w
pool, joined in close conflict with the Hunas....". 107 The de
inflated upon the Hunas proved so decisive that for nea
half a century the Gupta empire was immune from their
depredations. 108
Hunas, also known as Ephthalites or Hiung-nu were a
Central Asian tribe.
Uigur 109 transcribes the name of the tribe in ancient
Chinese in two phonetic forms : one of which is 'xunu or xunu',
the other 'xunux, xunuo,xunu\ The first part (xun) of the last
form is not in doubt and neither is the u of the last part, the
only question is about the change of the initial / of ancient
Chinese into y in Uigur before u and in Sandhi, and about
the pronunciation of the final consonant. 110
The first of the above Chinese forms which comes as close
to the Hunu as to the Sanskrit Huna is very similar to the
132 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Chinese "transcription" Xunu or Xunu, and Avesta Hunu,
except the Sanskrit has substituted for the final root vowel V
the stem final a characteristic of the names of peoples in that
language. "The Puranas have a form Urna which together with
Epic Skr. Huna suggests Indie Hurna Turk, Xurnu". 111
We may note here the Tibetan Hor, which corresponds
with the first syllable of the reconstructed form Hur-na. The
difference of vowels may indicate a back dipthong or back
vowel between o and u, as Ptolemy's Xounoi suggests, since
the Greeks wrote u (y) for Indie w. 112
Though all the above forms go back to one primitive form,
we cannot say the same for the people to whom they were
applied. The general opinion is that the Hsiung-nus, Huns,
Hunas etc., were Turks. Some scholars consider them to have
been a mixture of many tribes, Iranians, Mongols, and Paleosi-
birians (ancestors of the Yenissei-ostyaks). Whatever may have
been the dominant race or speech was, it can be seen that
there must have been several subject people and subject armies
in such far-flung empires, necessitating some mixture and
mutual influence ethnic, linguistic and cultural. 113 Otto
Maenchen-Helfen has discussed the whole question on the
is of the evidence of language, history, ethnology,
archaeology 114 and has pointed out that the greater part
the Hsiung-nu vocabulary pointed to Mongol 115 Later
iot considered the same vocabulary and established that the
iung-nu and Huns were Turks. 116
Louis Bazin 117 and Von Gabain 118 also reached the conclu-
that in language of the Hsiung-nu there was a high percent-
fe of Turkish words. U 9
In the second century B.C. the Hiung-nu (Huns) started a
movement near the Chinese frontier and succeeded in destroying
the Greco-Bactrian empire, in strongly menacing the existence
of the house of Arsakes, and in landing crowds of Central
Asian invaders within the borders of India. In the latter half
of the fourth century A.D., a branch of them, the White Huns,
or Ephthalites, flooded the South of Asia; and 'about the time
when the last legions of Rome shattered on the plains of
Chalons, the motley hordes of Attila, the White Huns had
begun to tread Sassanian Persia under the hoofs of their
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 133
horses, and were soon to smash the Indian empire of the
Guptas into pieces'. 120
In A.D. 484 the Hunas killed the Sassanian ruler of Persia.
Towards the close of the fifth century A.D. they ruled over a
vast empire with their principal capital at Balkh. 121 We know
of a Huna-desa placed to the South of the Kama-giri and to
the North of Maru-desa, i.e., the desert called the land of
heroes. The Harsacarita places the Huna country in the Punjab
region practically suggesting the same area. 122
In the middle of the sixth century A.D., the Sassanian king
of Persia made an alliance with Western Turks against the
Hunas and smashed their rule from the Oxus by killing their
king sometime between A.D. 563 and 567. 123
We know of Toramana from his Eran Boar Inscription 124
and of Mihirakula from his Gwalior Inscription. 125 These
two are generally taken to have been Huna chiefs. There is
another inscription found at Kura (Salt range in the Punjab)
refering to Rajadhiraja Maharaja Toramana-Sahi-Jau (bla),
whom some scholars identify with king Toramana mentioned
in the Eran Inscription, 126 but others regard the two as quite
different. 127 Here it must be pointed out, none of these inscrip-
tions describes any of these kings as Hunas nor contains any
reference to the Hunas.
We find an interesting account of Toramana in the Jain
work, Kuvalayamala, composed to 700 Saka (A.D.778). 128 Here
Toramana is stated to have lived on the bank of the Candrab-
haga (Chenab river). His guru Hari-gupta, who himself was a
scion of the Gupta family, also lived there. 129
Both Toramana and Mihirakula are referred to in the Raja-
tarangini, but there is no mention of their being the Hunas.
It is doubtful whether Toramana and Mihirakula were Hunas
or Kusanas. Sir Aurel Stein, Jayaswal 130 and Fleet 131 held that
Toramana was a Kusana. But Sten Konow 132 holds that Tora-
mana was, in all probability, a Huna, as is generally assumed,
and not a Kusana. It is not unlikely that the Hunas and the
Kusanas were ethnically allied and were later merged into a
new nation, which came to be known as Huna in India. 133
There are several stray references to the Hunas in Indian
literature. D.C. Sircar 134 opines that the Indian names Huna,
134 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Harahuna or Harahiira, supposed to be associated with the
Chinese name Hiung-nu and 'the White Hun' of the European
writers, are mentioned in a few late passages of the Mahabharata
and in the geographical sections of the early Puranas, can be
roughly assigned to the 4th century A.D. A sutra-vrtti in the
Candra Vyakarana has the sentence l ajayad-gupta (or Japto or
Jarto) HiinarC as an illustration of the use of the imperfect to
express an event which occurred within the life-time of the
author. 135
In the Mandasor inscription of Yasodharman 136 a reference
is made to the chiefs of the Hunas, but they are not named.
The inscription simply says that Yasodharman possessed coun-
tries which not even the Guptas and the chiefs of the Hunas
could subdue. 137
The inscription also refers to Mihirakula "who had earlier
bowed only to the god Sthanu (Siva) and whose forehead was
pained through being bent low down by the strength of the arm
of Yasodharman in the act of compelling obeisance". 138
With the fall of Yasodharman, which probably took place
not long after, Mihirakula again came to the forefront. In the
early part of the sixth century A.D. akala become his capital. 139
The Gupta king who then occupied the imperial throne was
probably Narasirhha-Gupta Baladitya. He was temporarily over-
whelmed by the victorious raids of Yasodharman, and Mihirak-
ula evidently took advantage of this imperial crisis to extend
his power. Narasirhhagupta, according to Hiuen Tsang, was
forced to the humiliating position of paying tribute to Mihira-
kula but finally triumphed over his rival. 140
The defeat of Mihirakula appears to have finally crushed
the political supremacy of the Hunas in India who ceased to
be even a disturbing element in Indian History. 141 The Puranas
place the Hunas in the extreme west, with the Sauvlras,
Saindhavas, Sakalas and Madras. 142
In the Raghuvamsa, Kalidasa mentions Raghu defeating
the Hunas on the banks of the Vanksu ortheOxus 143 ,the (pale)
faces of whose wives spoke of the bravery of their husbands
(who died in the battle). 144
Varahamihira 145 mentions them under the jurisdiction of
Ketu and places them in the North. 146 Dr. Upendra Thakur 147
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 135
remarks that about the sixth century A.D., the Hunas almost
lost their original name ofHiong-nou or Huns. Later the powerful
Turks give its name to the entire Huna nation by which they
were further known in the neighbouring nations. Afterwards
they were submerged in the Mongols under the influence of the
powerful Mongol Chief Chengiz Khan. Thus, the Hiong-nou or
Huns received different names in different periods beginning
with their origin to their advancement in other countries. In
spite of the copious references to the Ephthalites in the accounts
of the different countries, it is very difficult to determine their
exact origin and ethnic affinities.
We can partly agree with Dr. Thakur as regards their
merger in the area later dominated by the Turks and Mongols
but the Hunas find their mention in the Harsa-Carita of Bana
(a seventh century work) and they remained a potent force in
the social and political life of the Punjab-Rajasthan-Malwa-
Gujarat region during the early medieval period as evidenced
by a large number of epigraphical and literary records, and
also proved themselves as a source of danger to the Pala kings
of Bengal 148
6. Kakas (No. 1, L, 22):
One of the tribes who paid homage to Samudragupta. The
Kakas are mentioned in the Mahabharata 149 and are asso-
ciated with the Vidarbhas, a well-known people occupying tracts
of territory in modern Madhya Pradesh. 150 V.A. Smith con-
nects them with Kakanada near Sand; 151 while the Bombay
Gazetteer identifies them with Kakupur near Bithur. 152 They
may have been neighbours of the Sanakanlkas. 153
7. Kharaparikas (No. 1, L. 22) :
One of the tribes who were subjugated by Samudragupta.
D. R. Bhandarkar 154 takes them to be the Kharparas
mentioned in the Batihagadh Inscription 155 of the Damoh
district of M.P. Kharpara 156 means a thief, a rogue or a cheat.
The name Kharaparika does not occur elsewhere in inscrip-
tions or literature. The Markandeya Purana 157 mentions
a tribe called Khara-sagara-rasis, 158 along with the Gand-
haras and the Yaudheyas; and the Matsya Purana 159 refers
to a country named Kharapatha, watered by the river Nalinl.
It is difficult to say whether Khara-sagara-rasI and Kharapatha
136 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
had anything to do with the Kharaparikas. 160 K.P. Jayaswal
expresses the probability of the identification of the Kharapa-
rikas with the five Karpatas of the Mahabharata. 161
8. Kotas (No. 1,L. 14):
The Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta mentions
Samudragupta's capturing a king born in the family of the
Kotas. 162 Mookerji equates the Kota-kulaja of the inscription
with king Kalyanavarman of the play 'Kaumudl-Mahotsava'. 163
But it is now generally believed 164 that 'the episode of the
Kaumudl-Mahotsava has no bearing whatsoever on the early
Gupta History'.
The coins of the Kotas bearing their name have been found
in East Punjab, and Delhi, and 'they probably ruled in the
Upper Gangetic valley'. 165 Scholars differ in their views
about placing the Kotas; some identify it with Kanyakubja
while others with Pataliputra. 166
It is known that Puspapura or Kusumapura was the name of
both the Pataliputra and Kanyakubja. 167 It must, however, be
noted that the city of Puspa here is connected mainly with
Samudragupta and not with the Kota-kulaja, 168 so the location
of the city of the Kotas is not to be traced in Kusumapura or
Puspapura. It is well known that Candragupta I received
Magadha through his Licchavi-alliance and it is possible that
Samudragupta enjoyed his youth playfully at Pataliputra
(Puspa-ahvaye krldata). So Goyal's assumption that 'Harisena
has referred to Kanyakubja and not Pataliputra' 169 is incorrect.
It is only later that Kanyakubja gains the honour of being
called Kusumapura when the glory of Pataliputra had started
declining. 170
In view of the context of the victory over Kota-kulaja
along with the Naga kings Acyuta and Nagasena and with the
support of numismatic evidence it may be said that the kotas
lived somewhere between East Punjab and Delhi.
9. Kurus (No.22, L.7) :
The Kurus were divided into two branches, the Northern and
the Southern. 171 We have here a reference to the Uttarakurus. 172
The Kurus were one of the most ancient and prominent of
the Indo-Aryan ksatriya tribes. 173 In the earliest literature the
Kurus do not appear under that name as a people. But
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 137
mention is made of a prince, Kurusravana (Glory of the
Kurus) 174 and of a Pakasthaman Kauravyayana. 175 The Athar-
vaveda 176 refers to Pariksita as a king of the Kurus and his
son, Janamejaya, is mentioned in the Datapath a Brahmana 177
as one of the great performers of the horse sacrifice.
Oldenberg 1?8 seems to be right in suggesting that the
Kuru people, as known later, included some of the tribes
referred to by other names in the Rgveda. Kurusravana,
shown by his name to be connected with the Kurus, is in the
Rgveda called Trasadasyava, 'descendant of Trasadasyu,'
who is well known as a king of the Purus. Moreover, it is
likely that the Trtsu-Bharatas, who appear in the Rgveda as
enemies of the Purus, later coalesced with them to form the
Kuru people. 179 Moreover, there is evidence that the Bharatas
occupied the territory in which the Kurus were later found.
Two of them are spoken of in a hymn of the Rgveda 180 as
having kindled fire on the DrsadvatI, the Apaya, and the
Sarasvati that is to say, in the sacred places of the later
Kurukshetra. 181
In the Brahmana literature, the Kurus are often con-
nected with Pancalas. 182
The territory of the Kuru-Pancalas is declared in the
Aitareya Brahmana to be the middle country (Madhyadesa). 183
A group of the Kuru people still remained further north the
Uttara Kurus beyond the Himalayas. 184 It appears from a
passage of the Satapatha Brahmana that the speech of the
Northerners-that is, presumably the Northern Kurus-and of the
Kuru Pancalas was similar, and regarded as specially pure. 185
There seems little doubt that the Brahmanical Culture was
developed in the country of the Kuru-Pancalas, and that it
spread thence east, south and west. 186
The Uttara Kurus, who play a mythical part in the Epic
and later literature, are still a historical people in the Aitareya
Brahmana, 187 where they are located beyond the Himalayas
(parena Himavantam). In another passege, 188 however, the
country of the Uttara Kurus is stated by Vasistha Sathavya
to be a land of the gods (deva-ksetra), but Janmtapi
Atyarati was anxious to conquer it, so that it is still not wholly
mythical. It is reasonable to accept Zimmer's view that the
138 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
northern Kurus were settled in Kashmir, especially as Kuruk-
shetra is the region where tribes advancing from Kashmir
might naturally be found. 189 In Buddhist literature, Uttara-
Kuril is very often mentioned as a mythic region, but there are
some passages which go to show that there was a faint memory
of a country that once had a historical existence. 190
Some time before the fourth century B.C., the monarchical
constitution of the Kurus gave place to a republic, for we are
told by Kautilya 191 that the Kurus were l rdja-sahdopijlvinah\
or 'enjoying the status of rajan' i.e. all citizens had equal rank
and rights. 192
Shafer 193 shows that only the upper castes of the Kauravas
were Aryan, the bulk of the population were probably non-
Aryan as is clear from the fact that whereas the Kauravas
rallied the support mostly of the non- Aryans, the Pandavas
had the support of Aryans and concludes that the Northern
Kurus were Mundic. 194
10. Licchavis (No. 1, L.29; No. 4, L.7; No. 10,L.4;No. 12,
L. 18; No. 13, L.3: No. 21, L.5; No. 40, L.4; No. 47,
L 2; No. 49, L.2; No. 50, L.2; No. 53, L.2) :
The epithet 'Licchavi-dauhitra' (daughter's son of the Licchavi)
for Samudragupta occurs in all these Gupta records It
suggests the importance of Candragupta Fs marriage with the
Licchavi princess KumaradevT. The alliance had no social
importance but it was important for political gain by virtue
of which Candragupta I (Samudragupta's father) gained power-
ful position in Magadha and the neighbouring countries. In
the Candragupta-KumaradevI-coins, we have no mention of
the Guptas but only of the Licchavis in plural ' LicchavayaV
(the Licchavis). This supports the amalgamation of the
Guptas with the Licchavis and we may agree with Majumdar
that 'the epithet Licchavi-dauhitra was deliberately given to
Samudragupta to emphasize his right of succession to the dual
monarchy'. 195
We also know of a house of the Licchavis at Nepal 196 but
the separate reference to Nepal as a tributary province in the
Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta 197 proves that it
was different from the Licchavi kingdom which Samudragupta
had inherited from his mother. The Licchavi kingdom of
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 139
KumaradevI may be located in North Bihar with VaisalT
(modern Basarh in MuzafTarpur district) as its centre. 198 It was
a credit for the astute diplomacy of Candragupta to marry the
Licchavi princess as we know, in ancient times, the Licchavis of
Vaisall had been the rivals of the kings of Pataliputra 199 and
that they did not marry outside their area. 200
The name of this powerful people has come to us in many
different readings :
Licchavi, Lecchavi, Lecchai, Lecchaki, Licchvi, Nicchivi,
Lichikki and Lichavi.
Of these the Licchavi has been most commonly used in
literature. 201
The earliest mention of this people is in Kautilya's Artha-
Sastra, 202 where they are called Licchavis. Here we read that
the corporations of Licchivi, Vrji, Malla, Madra, Kakura,
Kuru, Pancala and others were 'rajasabdopajivinah' . It is note-
worthy that Kautilya distinguishes the Licchavis from the Vrjis
though some scholars consider them to be one. 203 H.Pandey 204
says that it appears from the Pali suttas that the names Vajji
and Licchavi are interchangeable to some extent. But the
accounts of Chinese pilgrims point to a different conclusion.
Fa-Hien describes the kingdom of Vaisall where 'Licchavis'
were the people of the country. He does not mention Vrji or
Vajji. Hiuen Tsang describes Vaisall and Vrji as two distinct
countries, and Walters is inclined to doubt the accuracy of his
description of the Vrji country. 205 But we know that Vajji was
a powerful confederacy of which the Videhas along with the
Licchavis, Jnatrikas, Ugras, Bhojas and others were the cons-
tituent confederate clans (atthakula). Of these the Licchavis and
the Videhas were the most important, and the Licchavi Capital
VaisalT was the head-quarter of the confederacy. 206 But Ray
Chaudhuri observes : "Vajji was not only the name of the
confederacy but also of one of the constituent clans. But the
Vajjis like the Licchavis are sometimes associated with the
city of Vaisall which was not only the capital of the Licchavi
clan, but also the metropolis of the entire confederacy". 207 The
Licchavi republic was generally called the sarhgha or gana of
the Vajjis. The Licchavis would not possibly have allowed this
name, had they not themselves been Vajjians. Jn one passage,
140 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
the Licchavi Mahanama, seeing that a band of young Licchavis
who had been out hunting were gathered round the Buddha, is
represented as saying, "They (i.e. the Licchavis) will become
Vajjians, they will become Vajjians (bhavissanti Vajji bhavis-
santi Vajji)" ! This possibly only means that there was great
hope of these Licchavi young men becoming true Vajjians,
practising the seven conditions of welfare taught by the
Buddha, conditions which endured their prosperity, and lead-
ing a more cultured life. Thus the Vajji appears to be a more
dignified term. It might have originally been given to the tribe
which inhabited what is known as Vajjirattha (Vrji-r astro), i.e.,
the Vajjian country, in Buddhist literature. Later a separation
seems to have taken place among the Vajjis and Licchavis,
because the Arthasastra (XI. I) mentions the Licchavika and
the Vrjika as two distinct republics. 208
The clan of the Licchavis figures very prominently in the
annals of early Buddhism. Buddhaghcsa, the celebrated Pali
commentator has the following story 209 : The chief queen of
the king of Benaras, at the time of her child-birth delivered
lump of flesh, 'of the colour of lac and of bandhu and Jlvaka
flowers'. Fearing the displeasure of the king if he should hear
of this, the other queens put the lump of flesh into a casket
marked with royal seal and placed it on the flowing waters of
the Ganges. The casket was discovered by an ascetic, and
taken by him to his hermitage, where he cared for the lump of
flesh. After the lapse of some time, tha lump broke up into
two pieces of flesh, which gradually assumed shape, till finally
one of them became a boy resplendent like gold, and the other a
girl. Whatever entered the stomach of these two infants looked
a s if put into a vessel of precious transparent stone (mani)
so that they seemed to have no skin (Nicchavi). Others said : 'the
two were attached to each other by their skin (lina-chavi) as if
they had been sewn together'; so that these infants came to be
designated 'Licchavis'. We are further told that on coming of
age the boy and the girl were married to each other and from
this brother and sister union sprang the race of the Licchavis 21
The origin of the Licchavis has been a matter of great
controversy. They have been represented as Scythians, Kolari-
ans, Tibetans and Persians by different authorities. 211
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 141
Samuel Beal 212 takes the Licchavis or Vajjis to be a
branch of the 'Yue-Chi' forgetting that the latter came to India
in the first century B.C. while the Licchavis were a highly
civilized and prosperous people in the sixth century B.C.
In the opinion of J.P. Hewitt, there are "very strong
indications that the Vajjians, who were certainly the earliest
settlers in the country, were of Kolarian race who had lived
there long before the arrival of the Dravidians and Aryans".
The learned writer ignores the existence of the pre-Vajjian
Aryan dynasty of rulers at Vaisall. 213
V.A. Smith 214 found similarities between the customs of
the Tibetans and those of the Licchavis in the practice of the
exposure of the dead and also in judicial procedure. And
hence he came to the conclusion that the Licchavis, the
ruling tribe or clan in Vrji country of which Vaisall was the
capital, was really a Tibetan (or Mongolian) tribe which settled
in the plains during the prehistoric times. The view has been
criticised by B.C Law, K.P Jayaswal, H.C. Raychaudhuri
and others on the following grounds 215 :
(1) The custom of the disposal of the dead was prevalent
among the Vedic Aryans from whom the Licchavis
were descended ;
(2) In the case of Tibet we have only three courts as
against the seven tribunals of the Licchavis ; further
we know very little about the relative antiquity of the
Tibetan procedure which might very well have been
suggested by the system expounded in the Atthakatha.
S.C. Vidyabhusana 216 suggests a Persian origin for the
Licchavis holding that the name Licchavi (Nicchavi of Manu,
X.22) was derived from the Persian city of Nisibis. There
is very littte in Vidyabhusana's surmise except a fancied
resemblance between the names Nicchivi and Nisibis. Inscrip-
tions of the Achaemenids are silent about any Persian settle-
ment in the Eastern India in the sixth or fifth century B.C. The
Licchavi people were more interested in Yaksa caityas and the
teaching of Mahavlra and the Buddha than in the deities and
Prophets of Iran. 217
The Licchavis have been invariably represented as ksatriyas
in ancient Indian literature. As the Mahaparinibbana-Sutta
142 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
informs us, they claimed a share of the icmnants of the
Buddha's body on the ground that they were ksatriyas like the
Buddha himself : "The Exalted one was a ksatriya and so are
we. We are worthy to receive a portion of relics of the Exalted
one". We get many other similar instances. 218 We find that
both the Sakyas (to whose race the Buddha belonged) and the
Licchavis are described as progenies of brother and sister
unions. Like the Sakyas, the Licchavis are also described as
ksatriyas. 219 Manu speaks of the Licchavis as ksatriyas, though
of the Vratya variety. 220 Regarding the Vratyas, Manu says :
*Those (sons) whom the twice-born have by the wives of equal
caste, but who, not fulfilling their scared duties, are excluded
from the initiation to Sdvitn, one must designate by the appel-
lation vratyas'. 221
We know that Mahavlra, the founder of Jainism, was the
very kin of the Licchavis and that he had many followers
among the residents of VaiSall, even among the highest officers.
Then again, between the sixth century B.C. and 200 B.C., the
earliest estimated date of the Manusmrti, 222 the Licchavis had
won the good graces of the Buddha as well as of the followers
of the religion he preached. During this long interval, when the
two great 'heretic' faiths flourished in their country, the
Licchavis might not have been particular to the ceremonies and
practices that the regulations of the orthodox brahmanas
required. 'Hence we can understand how Manu, the great
brahmana law-giver came to refer to the Licchavis as
Vratyas'. 223 But Gokhale 224 takes the term ksatriya in this
context to mean representative of political power rather than
a specific caste in the brahminical hierarchy and from the word
Vratya infers that they were outside the pale of the brahminical
civilization.
Scholars have divergent views about the connotation of the
word 'Vratya'. 225 Charpentier described the Vratyas, as a band
of people not governed by the rules of caste, probably repre-
senting the worst elements of Indian society, the thief, the
robber, the drunken one, etc. But Keith rejected this view by
pointing out that Manu's reference to the Rajanya Vratyas,
e.g. Licchavis and Mallas (X.22) has no value for Vedic
times. 226 Haver in his article 'Der Vratya' derives 'Vratya'
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 143
from 'vrata\ Thus the oldest meaning of 'Vrata' is a group of
people bound by holy ceremonies, bound by a vow to cult-
actions being derived from 'vrata 1 which is a vow taken in the
service of a god. The Vratinas, on the other hand, 'were
Aryans of a more primitive culture and religion, than the
orthodox brahmanas, and were organised in cult- unions and
both 'vratya 9 and 'vratina' being derived from 'vrata' are
"'members of the same holy union'. The only difference between
them apparently was that the Vratlna went to the brahmana
countries to perform the Vratya-work and were paid for it,
while the Vratyas acted in their own homeland. 227
From all these considerations, we can see that the views of
Manu and the suggestion of B.C. Law are more tenable. In
the Nepala VamsavalT ; the LicchavJs are allotted to the SQrya-
varhsa or solar race of the ksatriyas. 228 This is quite in agree-
ment with the fact elicited from the Buddhist records that they
were Vasisthas by Gotra, for we know from the Aitareya
Brahmana 229 that the gotra or pravara (family) of a ksatriya is
the same as that of his purohita or family-priest. The Vasistha
gotra was, therefore, the gotra of their family priest, and we
know that the Vasisthas were the family priests of the kings of
the solar race, especially of the Iksvakus. 230
11. Madrakas (No. I, L. 22):
One of the tribes subjugated by Samudragupta. We also know
of Madra as a personal name in No. 15, L. 8.
Madras claimed descent from an eponymous king Madraka,
son of Sibi Auslnara, and were septs of the family of Sivi
like the Kaikeyas. 231
According to Dr. Buddha Prakash 'Bhadra' was another
Variant of Madra. 232 But this view is not acceptable to us.
The Mahabharata 233 mentions the Bhadras, but only in the
Bombay recension; the Calcutta recension has Madra. 234 We
know that Bhadra and Madra had independent existence, as
found in the legend of Bhadra Kakslvatl, bride of Vyusi-
tasva. 235 The queen had seven children, three Salvas and
four Madras. 236
The Candravrtti on Candra 237 informs us that Udumbara,
Tilakhala, Madrakara, Yugandhara, Bhulinga and Saradanda,
are the divisions of Salva (or Salva). The word Salva literally
144 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
means an animal like stag or gazelle which bespeaks of
Scythian origin. 238 Buddha Prakash connects it with the
modern sub-caste Saluja (Skt. Salvaja). Anyhow, we know that
Madras were a branch of Salvas who were sons of Bhadra.
J. Przyluski 239 considers the Madras to have been a section of
the Bhadras on the ground that the former had among their
ancestress a queen named Bhadra. Both the Bhadras and the
Madrakas are mentioned separately in the Brhatsamhita, 240 the
Bhadras with the alvas in the Madhyadesa (Middle land)
and the Madrakas with the Malavas in the northern quarter.
Nakula and Sahadeva were the sons of Pandu by his
wife Madrl. The name of their mother Madrl suggests their
connection with the clan of the Madras. 241 Since Balhiki
(Bahliica stands for the Bactrians) was the title of Madrl,
Madras were of Irano-Bactrian origin; the Madras may rep-
resent the Iranian tribe, Mada or Mede. 242
The Madras were an ancient ksatriya tribe. 243 We do not
find their mention in the early Vedic Samhuas but the Vamsa
Brahmana (of the Samaveda) tells us of a Vedic teacher named
Madra-gara Saungayani ('descendant of Sunga') whose pupil
was Kamboja Aupamanyava. 244 Zimmer 245 concludes, with pro-
bability, that these names point to a connexion of the Kambojas
and the Madras. We know from the Satapatha Brahmana 246
that the Madra country was the chief centre of Vedic learning.
We know of a Kapya Patancala amongst the Madras who
was a famous teacher of Vedic lore. 247
The Uttara Madras, the 'northern Madras' are referred
to in the Aitareya Brahmana 248 as living beyond the Himalaya
(parena himavantam) in the neighbourhood of the Uttara
Kurus, probably, as Zimmer 249 conjectures, in the land of
Kashmira. The Madras mentioned in the Upanisads were, like
the Kurus, probably settled somewhere in Kurukshetra in the
Madhyadesa or 'Middle Land'. 2 *
Panini 251 mentions two divisions of the Madras, Purva
(eastern) and Apara (Western). In the Brhatsamhita they are
mentioned twice; firstly as Madra situated in West in Vayavya
Kona, 252 and secondly as Madraka with Malava in the
North. 2 * 3
In the Ramayana, we read that Sugrlva sent monkeys to
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
145
the Madrakas and other tribes in quest of Sita. 254 The Madra
tribe or kingdom 255 is mentioned in the Bhlsmaparvan of the
Mahabharata (chap.IX) and in Panini's grammar (II, 3, 73;
IV, 4, 67). The Madras held the Central portions of the
Punjab; 256 they appear in the Epic period to have occupied
the district of Sialkot, between the rivers Chenab and Ravi, 257
or according to some between the Jhelum and the Ravi. 258
S.B. Chaudhuri 259 says that the Madras held the portion in
the Doab between the Chenab and the Ravi, possibly com-
prising even a portion of the country between the Jhelum and
the Chenab, and thus abutted on Kaikeya on the West.
We get a clue to the inhabitance of the Madras from a verse
in the Karnaparvan of the Mahabharata 26 which refers to a
Madra, who had come to live among the Kurus, as yearning
for his return to his native place beyond the Sitadru and the
Iravati to enjoy the company of charming women.
Sakala (Pali-Sagala, modern Sialkot) was the capital of the
Madras identified 261 with Sanglawala-Tiba, to the West of the
Ravi. From the Milinda-panho, we learn that king Milinda
(Menander) a Graeco-Bactrian king, who became a convert to
Buddhism, was ruling over the Madda country with Sagala as
his capital which according to a Buddhist lexicon, was one of
the twenty ancient cities. 262 The brahminical name 263 of the
Madra Capital was Sakala mentioned by Panini 264 as Sankala.
In the Mahabharata 265 and the Jatakas 266 Sakala is described
as standing on the bank of the Apaga in a tongue of land
between two rivers, called the Sakaladvlpa, which corresponds
to the Rechna Doab.
We know from the Mahabharata about Salya, king of the
Madras (Madraraja). 267 After severe fighting, and many
vicissitudes, the Madra soldiers were killed by Arjuna. 268
The Madras are mentioned in the Puranas as well. 269 The
Visnu Purana 270 refers to the Madras along with the Aramas,
Parasikas, and others and in the Matsya Purana 271 with
Gandhara, Yavana and others. The latter 272 mentions king
Asvapati of Sakala in the kingdom of the Madras.
The Madras, according to the Arthasastra of Kautilya 27 *
were a corporation of warriors and people enjoyed the title of
rajan (rdjasabdopajivinah) , 274
146 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Madra women were noted for their beauty. 275 The Jatakas
bear ample testimony to the fact that the Madra princesses
were sought in marriage by the great ksatriya house of North
India. 276 The Mahabharata tells us that it was a family custom
of the Madras to receive a fee from the bridegroom when they
gave their daughters in marriage. 277
Some scholars identify the Madras with Vahlika (or
Vahlka). 278 Sakala as a Vahlkagrama is also mentioned by
Patanjali. 279 From the references in the Mahabharata, Vahlka
would appear to have stood for the whole of Punjab. 280 The
Vahlka-gramas of Sakala and Patanaprastha, as referred to
in the grammatical works, 281 imply the inclusion of Madra-
janapada in the Vahlka country.
The Madras are known as low, barbarous 282 and sinful
people. 283 They are mentioned as base, impure and contemp-
tible. 284 "Amongst the Madrakas all acts of friendship are
lost" 285 and so it is said: "Neither one should create enmity, nor
friendship with a Madraka". 286 The Rajatarangin! also records
similar views. 287
But the advent of the Jarttikas or Jartas (modern Jats) who
spread over the whole of Punjab was responsible for the degene-
ration of the Madras. 288 The legend of Savitrl and Satyavan
is connected with the Madra country, for Savitrl was the
daughter of Asvapati, king of Madra. 289 In the Udyogaparvan
the camp of Salya is described as full of warriors, whose strange
armours, bows and banners, unfamiliar trappings, vehicles and
equipment and local costumes, ornaments and deportment
presented a unique spectacle in the country of the Kurus. 290
In the early part of the sixth century A.D. the Madra
country passed under the rule of the Huna conqueror Mihira-
kula (A.D. 515-535) who ruled from Sialkot. The Madras
continued to flourish even up to the time of the Pala king
Dharmapala in the 9th century A.D. 291
12. Malava (No. 1, L. 22 ; No. 17, L. 19 ; No. 32, L. 11) :
We know Malava as a tribe which was subjugated along with
some other tribes by Samudragupta(No. 1). No. 17 refers to the
Malava-gana 292 which has been translated by Fleet as 'the tribal
constitution of the Malavas' in the sense of the event of some
formal establishment of the Malavas' as a tribe. 293 Fleet fixes
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
147
it up as 57-56 B.C. 294 Thomas 29 * translates the expression as
"the continuance (sthiti) of the tribal constitution (gana) of
the Malavas" and adds "It was to gana-sthiti, not to gana, that
I gave the meaning of 'tribal constitution' ; and I did not intro-
duce the idea of 'Continuance'." My amended translation is
"the usage of the Malava tribe." 296 Thus the expression 'Mdla-
vdndm gana' refers to the Malavas as a tribe. No. 32 speaks of
the Malava- varhsa which has been translated as 'the race of
the Malavas, 297 but it would be better to translate it as "the
dynasty of the Malavas". 298 It seems that this tribe had esta-
blished independent rulership and so we find the word 'varhsa'
used where the word 'gana' could also be used 299
Dr. Buddha Prakash holds that Madras and Malavas were
the same, in Prakrit Madra becomes Malla, as 'dra' is changed
into '//'. He identifies Malla with the Malloi of the Greeks
and Malava of the Epic. He points out that the sons of Asva-
pati, king of the Madras, were called Malavas after their
mother, according to decree of Yama which shows that Madra
and Malava were identical. 300
But we venture to disagree with the learned scholar. The
Brhatsarhhita mentions Madraka and Malava separately but
side by side as people of the North. 301
At the time of Samudragupta, the Malavas possibly lived in
Rajasthan and West Malwa 302 consisting of Mewar, Tonk and
adjoining regions of south-east Rajasthan. 303 They setteled in
various localities in Western India after having migrated from
the Punjab where they had fought with Alexander on the lower
banks of Ravi. 304 Their original home was in Jhang District,
Punjab. 305 Subsequently they became the inhabitants of Malwa
and the Vikrama era derived its original appellation from
them. 306 That the Malavas had migrated to the Jaipur region
(Rajasthan) from the Punjab is supported by the fact that the
legend on some Malava coins found in Rajasthan reads from
right to left as in KharosthI, which was prevalent in the
Punjab and the north-west from very early times. 307 The Sikhs
of Ferozpur, Ludhiana, Patiala, Jind and Malerkotala are
still known as Malava Sikhs, probably, because these regions
were populated by the Malavas in ancient times. 308 Malava
and Malavaka are also to be differentiated, the former is
148 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Malava proper while the latter is lesser Malava with the diminu-
tive suffix 'fca'. 309
Malava is the same as Malloi of the Greeks. 310 Panini does
not mention them by name, but his sutra, V. 3. 117 speaks of
'ayudhajlvi samghas', or tribes living by the profession of arms,
and the Kasika says that amongst these samghas were the
Malavas and Ksudrakas. 311 The Malava tribe is actually men-
tioned in the Mahabhasya of Patanjali. 312
The Mahabharata couples the Malavas with the Tri-
garttas, 313 as well as with the Sivis and Ambasthas. 314 But
soon they migrated southwards and settled somewhere in Rajas-
than where we find them at the time of Samudragupta. 315
Many coins found at Nagar, 45 miles north of Kota, have the
legend. " Malavanam jayah" (victory of the Malavas) in letters
belonging to the period from 250 B.C. to A.D. 250. According
to Cunningham these coins show that the existence of the
Malavas as a recognised and important clan, long before their
tribal constitution led to the establishment of their era. 316 The
Malavas came into conflict with Nahapana's son-in-law Usava-
data who subdued them. 317
According to the Puranas 318 the Malavas are associated with
the Saurastras, Avantis, Abhiras, Suras, and Arbudas, dwell
along the Pariyatra mountains. Thus they seem to have occupi-
ed other territories besides the Punjab or Rajasthan. Pargiter
points out that even according to the Puranas the Malavas
lived in a 'mountanious' country, and were nowhere near pre-
sent Malwa. Malava king were taken as vratya and mostly
sudra in the Puranas. 319
The Bhismaparvan of the Mahabharata mentions the western
(pratlcya) and northern (udlcya) sections of the Malavas. 320
But the Ramayana locates the Malavas in the east. 321 Kama-
sutra's commentator Jayamahgala, who flourished later than
the fourteenth century, says that Avantika, which is identical
with Ujjayini-desa, is apara-Malava* 22 This has led some
writers to suggest that Malava proper is Dasarna. But Jaya-
mangala's geographical knowledge was not perfect. 323 His
remark on Malava is to be rejected as it runs counter to earlier
authorities. Rajasekhara mentions Malava, Avanti and Vidisa
and the Manjusri mentions Malava, Vidisa and Dasarna side
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
149
by side 324 Modern Malwa is the region around UjjayinI and
Bhilsa. The influence of the Malavas in the Mandasor region is
proved by the fact that they could impose their tribal era upon
the Mandasor princes. 325 An inscription describes the subjuga-
tion of Sapta-Malava by Dandanayaka Anantapala, a feudatory
of Vikramaditya VI. 326
The Harsacarita of Bana refers to the 'wicked Malava king'
generally identified with Devagupta, who killed Grahavarman
Maukhari, but was himself defeated by Rajyavardhana.
B.C. Law places the kingdom of Devagupta between Prayaga
and Bhilsa which is identical with Purva-Malava. 327
Thus the Malavas originally belonged to Jhang District
in Punjab (now in Pakistan), from where they spread all
over Punjab and by the time of Samudragupta had migrated
to Rajasthan. The Malavas had emerged in 250 B.C. as an
independent tribal state. But they came under the subservience
of the Sakas in the 1st century B.C., to the western ksatraps
from the 2nd to the 4th centuries A.D. and to Samudragupta
in the 4th century A.D., but this typical native state exerted
itself again. 328 In the period after about A.D. 550 they seem to
have migrated further to the east and covered the region from
Bhilsa (Eastern Malwa) to Prayaga. 329 During the rule of the
Palas of Bengal they seem to have migrated still further east ;
for the copper plates of thePala kings (excepting Dharmapala),
refer to the Malavas as mercenary troops in their army. 330
The name of the tribe survives in the modern province of
Malwa (a transformation of the word Malava), and in the brah-
mana castes called 'Malavls' or 'Malavikas'. They arethebrah-
manas of Malava proper and the adjoining country, but are found
also in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. 331
13. Mleccha(No. 14, L. 4) :
According to Sircar 332 Fleet conjectures the reading to be
Mleccha. The last few letters in line 4 after 'm' are not legible.
So how Fleet could take this reading without putting any
doubt is really surprising. Mlecchas were amongst the enemies
defeated by Skandagupta in this inscription (No. 14). The war
with the Mlecchas probably refers to his fight with the Hunas
which is specifically referred to in the Bhitari Pillar Inscription.
Whether the Mlecchas are the same as Hunas or were a
150 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
different tribe, both the records (No. 13, No. 14) claim that
Skandagupta completely defeated these enemies. 333 The fact
that in both the inscriptions, the reference to the fight with the
Hunas and Mlecchas is preceded by a reference to the falling
fortunes of the family supports the identification.
We also find a reference to the oppression of the earth by
the Mlecchas in the epilogue of the play Mudra-Raksasa written
by Visakhadatta where it is prayed that 'The earth may now be
protected by "His Highness" along with relatives and retinue
by king Candragupta'. It is probable that the play was written
after the Ramagupta episode and probably the word Mleccha
in this context alludes to the Sakas who were suppressed by
Candragupta II in the guise of the Gupta queen Dhruvasvamini.
D.C. Sircar 334 is of the view that Mleccha is the name
applied to the Muhammadans and other foreigners. In the
Sanskrit language originally there does not appear to have
been any general term for a foreigner. But as the Dasa, Dasyu,
Barbara, and Mleccha became more or less absorbed in Aryan
civilization and the original specific meaning of these terms
was no longer remembered, these words came to be used for
any foreigner. 335
The word Mleccha was used to refer to both the eastern and
western Anavas. In course of time it came to be used for almost
any non-Aryan and even for Aryans of impure speech. Subse-
quently the term meant something like "foreigner", but that was
after most of the Anavas had become assimilated. 336 When not
used in association with the foreigners the word Mleccha is
used for one who is impure, dirty or uncultured. It is derived
from the root ^mlich^mlech^ 1 meaning to speak indistinctly
(like a foreigner or barbarian who does not speak Sanskrit).
We find the use of root in Mahabhasya. 338
The Sanskrit term Mleccha, referring to the indistinct
speech of some non-Aryans, is taken from proto-Bodish (proto-
Tibetan) mltse "tongue", Old Bodish Use, Kukish generally
mlei, the combination of initial consonants (mlts ) being
simplified in various ways indifferent Tibeto-Burmic languages.
Aspiration cannot occur after 7 in old Bodish; and the proto-
Bodish form may have been mltse for all we know, so the ( cch*
of Sanskrit "Mleccha may come nearer the primitive affricate
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
151
than anything preserved in the Tibeto-Burmic languages.
Since 'mlcche* would be an impossible combination in Sanskrit,
mleccha would be as close as a Sanskrit speaker could come to
it " .339
Mleccha 340 occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana 341 in the
sense of a barbarian in speech. Here the brahmanas are for-
bidden to use barbarian speech. The example 342 given of such
speech is "he* layo", explained by Sayana as "he* rayah", "ho,
foes". The barbarians referred to were Aryan speakers, though
not speakers of Sanskrit, but of a Prakrit form of speach. 343
An ancient tradition regards the Andhras, Pulindas and
Sabaras as dog-eaters or Mlecchas. 344 The Jain Prajnapana
records two divisions of the people of India Milikkha and
Arya, and enumerates 53 people in the former group, some of
which are the Saga, Javana, Sabara, Vavvara, Hona, Romaya,
Parasa and Khasa. 345
The Mahabharata 346 states that the Mlecchas dwelt in the
Yavana, Cina and Kamboja countries. In a dual between
Karna and Salya, Karna highly condemns the people of the
Vahlka and especially of the Madra Country and describes
them as the Mleccha, the dirt among the human beings. 347
They belong to unpious countries and are totally ignorant
about the Dharma (righteous conduct). 348 At another place,
it is stated that the Yavanas are the Mlecchas, though they
follow their own ways (i.e. not following the Vedic Orthodoxy)
yet they are full of knowledge and brave but the Vahlkas and
the Madras are condemned as utterly foolish. 349 This makes it
clear that the people not following the righteous conduct
according to the Aryan beliefs, whether indigenous or foreign,
were labelled as the Mlecchas. The Mahabharata 350 shows that
the coastal regions were the favourite resort of the Mlecchas
and that they were dreadful. The Epic describes the Mlecchas
as being impure because they were of bovine extraction and
describes them as fierce and cruel. 351
In the Manu-SmrtfiM the king is advised to exclude at
deliberation time, the foolish, dumb, blind, and deaf, birds,
the aged, women; the Mlecchas (the impure), diseased and
deformed. At another place in the Manu-Smrti where the girls
bearing the names after a star, a tree, (or) a river, one called
152 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
after the Antyas or a mountain, one called after a bird, snake,
or slave or with a terrifying name are forbidden for marriage,
Kulluka, the commentator on Manu explains the word Antya as
representing the Mlecchas. 353 From the Manu 354 it is clear
that the Mlecchas spoke a different language than the Aryans.
The Vayu, Matsya and Brahmanda Puranas state that the
seven Himalayan rivers pass through the Mleccha countries. 355
In the Vardha Purana, a place named Lohargala is stated to be
ruled over by the Mleccha kings. 356
The Amara-kosa 357 describes the Kiratas, Sabaras and
Pulindas as the Mlecchajdtis. The Brhat-Sarhhita 358 places
them in the West and describes them as unrighteous. It places
them under the jurisdiction of Mahgala graha^ 59 and assigns
them the region of Rdhu graha, inhabiting the mountain-tops,
low-regions or the caves. 360 In the 'life' of Hiuen Tsang, all
places to the north of Lamgham district have been described as
Mi-li-ku, i.e. frontier or Mleccha lands. 361
In the Arya-manjusrI-Mula-kalpa, the Mlecchas frequently
appear as the companions of robbers. 362 In the Kathasarit-
Sagara, 363 the Mlecchas are connected with Sindh. They are
stated to have killed brahmanas, interfered with sacrifices, and
carried off the daughters of hermits. 364 The Rajataranginl 365
mentions the Mlecchas as issuing forth from the valleys adjoin-
ing the Himalayas.
In medieval inscriptions, the name Mleccha has been applied
indiscriminately to all foreigners. 366 The Mleccha army of the
Gwalior Prasasti of Bhoja consisted of the Arabs 367 The
Mlecchas of the inscriptions of the medieval period refer to
Muhammadans and the people of Baluchistan. 368
The Siddhanta-Kaumudi 369 describes the Ksudhunas as the
Mlecchas. In the Saktisarigama Tantra (a work of the 17th
century), we get reference to the Mleccha (verse 24), Maham-
leccha (verses 28, 30) and Mleccha-marga (verse 31) where they
are mentioned along with Pancala, Kamboja and Bahllka and
the Khurasan country is described as the MIeccha-mdrga.^ 1Q
14. Murundas (No. 1, L.23) :
Murunda is mentioned in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of
Samudragupta along with the terms Daivaputra, Sahi Sahan-
usahi and Saka as one compound expression. 371 Fleet takes
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
153
Sakas and Murundas as two separate tribes. They were one of
the foreign potentates who came of their own accord to offer
allegiance to Samudragupta.
According to Sten Konow 'murundcC is the later form of
a Saka word meaning 'lord' or 'master'. The term 'Saka-
Murunda' therefore possibly stands for those Saka lords or
chieftains who were ruling in the regions of Surastra and
Ujjain at the time of Samudragupta. 372
But we find in the Khoh plates of Maharaja Sarvanatha
the names 'MurundadevI' 373 and Murundasvarnim 374 which
shows that Murunda was the name of a tribe and not a title.
On the basis of Khoh plates, Smith 375 suggested that "the
Murundas may possibly have been settled in the hill country of
Riwa along the Kaimur range or more probably further south
in the Vindhya or north Dekkan or possibly in the Chhota-
nagpur".
According to R.K. Mookerji, 376 the people called here as
the Murundas are to be distinguished from the Sakas and may
be identified with the Kusanas, as earlier suggested by Sten
Konow. 377
We know that the term Daivaputra in the inscription has
been used to refer to the Kusana kings, and Sakas are men-
tioned separately. So we cannot equate Murundas with the
Kusanas as suggested by R. K. Mookerji.
Some scholars regard Murunda as the name of a powerful
foreign tribe, ruling in the upper Ganges valley. 378 According
to the Chinese authority, the Capital of Meou-lun (a word
equated with Murunda) was 7,000 li from the mouth of the
Great River, which was undoubtedly the Ganges. Allan is,
therefore, not right in suggesting that the Chinese description
of the capital refers to Pataliputra. 379 Jayaswal took Saka-
Murunda to denote the smaller Saka rulers like the 'Shalada,
Shaka and the Gadahara chiefs as well as the Western
Satraps'. 38
In the Abhidhana-Cintamani 38 ! and the Vaijayanti 382 the
Limpakas are identified with Murundas. The Lampakas are
the same as the Lambatai of Ptolemy. 383 The Puranas, 384
mention Lampakas, the people who were residing in Lampaka,
the modern Laghman in Afghanistan. Rajasekhara seems to be
154 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
referring to Lampaka as Limpaka. 385
The Murundas seem to be a foreign tribe. Murunda is
clearly a non-Aryan word and can have no Aryan derivation. 386
Ptolemy (2nd century A.D.) mentions the Murundas for the
first time under the name Moroundai and places them on the
western border of the 'Gangaridai\ They seem to have occu-
pied an extensive territory, probably the whole of North-Bihar
on the east of the Ganga, as far as the head of the delta. They
had six important cities, all to the east of the Ganga : Boraita,
Koryagaza, Kondota, Kelydna, Aganegora and Talarga. These
places are difficult to identify but to Saint-Martin Kelydna
appeared to have some relation with KalinadI or Kalindi river,
and Aganagora with Aghadip (Agradvipd) on the eastern bank
of the Ganges, a little below Katwa. 387
According to Cunningham, the name of the Marundai is
still preserved in the country of the Mundas, a hill tribe
scattered over Chhota-Nagpur and Central India. 388 But M.S.
Pandey 389 opposes the view on the ground that the Murundas
dwelt in the north-west with other foreign tribes. The evidence
is strong enough to show that the Murundas had not spread so
far to the east as to occupy the Chhota-Nagpur region. How-
ever, barbarous and pastoral the Murundas might have been
before their immigration into India, when they held the sceptre
in their hands they must have been endowed with the quality
and capacity to rule over a people who were highly civilized.
Such a race could hardly have sunk to a position so low as
that of the Mundas of the modern times. Moreover, the
Mundas are a dominant division of the aboriginals of the
Chhota-Nagpur region. Had they been the descendants of the
Murundas, we should have found them in other parts of
Central India also, and not confined to this small region so far
from their place of origin. 390
M.S. Pandey 391 disagrees with the Puranic account on the
basis that many discrepancies have crept in owing to the mis-
takes of the copyists.
15. Prarjunas (No. 1, L.22) :
A tribe subdued by Samudragupta who are said to have obeyed
his imperial commands and paid all kinds of taxes. Vincent
Smith 392 places the Prarjunas in the Narasirhhapur district of
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 155
the Central Provinces, but a more plausible location is Nara-
sirhhagarh in Central India, 393 as much as three other tribes
which are coupled with Prarjunas, the Sanakanlkas, Kakas and
Kharaparikas, seem to have occupied regions more or less
within the bounds of Central India 394 The tribe, associated
with the name of Arjuna, existed in the Punjab and north-west
before the advent of Gupta power in the fourth century A.D. 395
Kautilya knows of a psople called Prajjunaka (Prarjunaka)?^
16. Pusyamitras (No. 13, L.ll) :
The Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription 397 records Skandagupta's
victory over a powerful enemy called the Pusyamitras, who
possessed a strong army and a rich treasury : he (Skandagupta)
placed (his) left foot on a foot-stool which was the king (of
that tribe himself). 398 H. R. Divekar suggested the reading
Yudhy-amitran in place of Pusyamitran. But, as pointed out by
R.D. Banerji, 399 the proposed reading is impossible.
There are several views about the identification of the
Pusyamitras.
(i) Fleet identified them with the people mentioned in the
Puranas as Patumitras and located them on the
Narmada. 400
(ii) V.A. Smith 401 regarded them as a people of the North.
(iii) Hoernle believed that they were the same as the
(iv) R.D Banerji 403 regarded them as the first wave of the
Hunas.
(v) N K. Bhattasali has suggested that the Pusyamitras
were the descendants of king Pusyavarma of Assam. 404
Bhattasali says that a pun (slesa) has been used for "the
descendants of Pusyavarman of Assam who had so long been
mitras or friends of the Guptas, but had change into foes by
their desire for conquest and had invaded the Gupta empire from
the east and made it totter". But as remarked by D.C. Sircar,
"there is no grammatical, lexicographical, or literary support,
for this interpretation of the name Pusyamitra". 405
Bhattasali opines that Mahendravarman, whom he assigns
to the period A.D. 450 to 490 who performed two horse-sacri-
fices must have been powerful enough to launch an attack on
the Gupta empire in the reign of Skandagupta.
156 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
We know that the definite limits of Skandagupta's reign
are from A.D. 455 to 467. The period of the rule of
Mahendravarman, however, cannot be so definitely fixed because
we do not possess any dated records of his reign. As a matter
of fact the entire chronology of the kings of Assam can be
settled approximately only by means of synchronisms and rough
calculations. The attack on the Gupta empire by the Varmans
of Assam in the reign of Skandagupta is an impossibility. 406
The Pusyamitras cannot be a branch of the Hunas as held by
R.D. Banerji. The Hunas have been mentioned separately in
the Bhitari Inscription. 407 "By whose (Skandagupta's) two
arms the earth was shaken, when he, the creator (of a distur-
bance like that) of a terrible whirlpool, joined in close conflict
with the Hunas". Hoernle's view that "the Pusyamitras were the
same as Maitrakas who some years later under the leadership
of Bhatarka established themselves in Valabhl probably with
the help of the Huna ruler Toramana"; 408 is also not accept-
able as the Maitrakas remained subservient to the Imperial
Guptas from the time of Bhatarka to that of Dronasirhha. 409
Therefore, they cannot be the same as Pusyamitras who rebelled
against Skandagupta.
The Puranas mention a people called Pusyamitras, whose
rule commenced after the end of the dynasty of the Vindhyakas.
In the Visnupurana MSS. consulted by Prof. Wilson we have
the following statement : "and Puspamitras, and Patumitras
and others to the number of thirteen will rule over Mekala". 410
Prof. Wilson has added the following note, "It seems most
correct to separate the thirteen sons or families of the Vindhya
princes from these Bahlikasand then from the Pusyamitras and
Patumitras who governed Mekala, a country on the Nar-
mada". 411
A similar statement is to be found in the Vayupurana,
according to which 'the Pusyamitras and Patumitras are
grouped with the rulers of Mekala, whose seven kings have not
been named. 412
The mention of Vindhyakas, evidently a people of the
Vindhya region, and of Mekala, points to the south rather than
to North. So the view of V.A. Smith that the Pusyamitras were
a people of the North is not acceptable.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 157
Thus the view of Fleet that the Pusyamitras are to be placed
in Central India somewhere in the country along the banks of
the Narmada, seems to be most reasonable. 413 This is supported
by numismatic evidence, a hoard of coins brought to light by
D.B. Diskalkar, 414 from the village of Bamnala, 24 miles to
the south of the Narmada, indicates that there was a serious
disturbance of peace in the vicinity of Mekala, in the middle
of the fifth century A.D. and we may connect it with the rising
of the Pusyamitras in that region. 415
17. Sahanusahi^ (No. 1, L. 23) :
Sahanusahis are also mentioned to have paid homage to
Samudragupta along with other tribes. The Sahanusahis are
to be identified with the Sassanids or the Sassanian kings. The
title 'Sdhanusdhi (sahan-sah) has frequently been used by the
Sassanian kings. 417 The contemporary Sassanian emperor was
Shahpur II (A.D. 309-379). 418 The Sassanians are known to
have been the rulers of Persia from A.D. 211 to 651. 419 Accord-
ing to tradition the dynasty is named after its founder Sassan.
His son and successor Papaka, seized power by a coup d'etat
against his suzerain, the Parthian king and his accession was
the starting point for a new era (A.D. 208). 42
Goyal 421 confuses the Sassanians with the Paraslkas of
Kalidasa. But they were different from the Paraslkas. The
Sassanians had founded a powerful kingdom in Persia, but they
had not yet conquered the whole of Persia. 422 The Paraslkas
of Kalidasa were the Sahis. 423 Though the possibility of a
Kusana-Sassanian coalition may not be ruled out it seems that
at the time of Samudragupta, 424 three kings the Daivaputra (the
Kusanas), the Sahi (the Persians or the Paraslkas of Kalidasa),
and the Sahanusahi (the Sassanians) were ruling indepen-
dently. 425
Buddha Prakash 426 traces the Khatri sub-castes Sahni and
Osahan as the remnants of the title 'Sahanusahi'. But this is
far-fetched. So far as Sahni is concerned it is to be connected
with Sadhanika the name of an officer in the administration of
the early medieval period. 427
It may be noted that the Sassanian title Sahan-Sah was
used for the Great Emperor in Mughal period, which usage
continues. In popular parlance the term is used for calling or
158 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
receiving some person respectively.
18. Sahi* (No.l, L.23) :
The Sahis are said to have paid homage to Samudragupta.
From the appendix it is clear that Daivaputra is not an adjec-
tive of Sahi as Goyal 429 has surmised and has identified it
with Kidara Kusana of the Great Kusana family.
Daivaputras have been interpreted to denote the Kusanas ;
so Sahis cannot be identified with the Kusanas. They must
have been an independent and separate tribe, and may be
identified with the Persians mentioned in the Raghuvamsa in
connexion with the North- Westren conquests of Raghu. 430
Goyal 431 identifies the Sassanians with the Paraslkas of
Kalidasa. But Paraslkas can never be identified with Sassanians.
The word 'Paraslkas' itself clearly be speaks of the Persians and
is identical with the modern Parasis. Moreover, Sahanusahis
are to be identified with the Sassanians whereas Sahis refer to
the Persians. Even now the king of Persia (Iran) is known as
4 Shah of Iran'.
Sahi is an Iranian or Persian word and seems to have some
relation with Sanskrit root \/sas to rule, which when formed a
noun means 'a ruler'. 432 The Sahi dynasty of Kabul was ousted
by the brahmana minister of the last king. The new dynasty was
also known as the Sahis and has been mentioned by Al-Beruni
and Kalhana.
The word Saha or Sahu, often used for banias in villages,
is not connected with Sahi or Sahi but is to be derived from
Sanskrit 'sadhu 9 .* 3 *
19. Saimhalaka (No. 1, L. 23) :
Inhabitants of Simhala or Ceylon. They are mentioned along
with the Daivaputras, Sahis, Sahanusahis, Sakas and Murundas,
and all (other) dwellers in islands (probably the islands of
Southern Sea such as Java and Sumatra) 434 who paid homage
to Samudragupta by offering themselves for services, bringing
presents of maidens, praying for charters bearing the imperial
Gupta Garuda seal (Garutmadahka) by which they would be
left undisturbed by the emperor in the enjoyment (bhukti) and
administration (sasana) of their respective territories. 435 If
literally interpreted the inscription will suggest that the people
mentioned here were really tributaries under Samudragupta.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 159
When we see from the inscription itself that the Tamil states
were left undisturbed, the inclusion of even distant Simhala
(Ceylon) and all other islands in this category raises great
doubts about this interpretation, and we shall hardly be justi-
fied in taking the words of the Court-poet in their literal sense
without corroborative evidence. 436 But the question arises that
was the conquest of TamraparnI (Simhala) by Asoka in his
Rock Edict II also a simple boast of this kind ? 437
So far as Ceylon is concerned, we have fortunately an
independent evidence of its political relation with Samuda-
gupta.
We know that after the death of king Mahasena (A.D. 33462)
of the Lambakarna clan his son Sumeghavarna (chi-mi-kia-
po-mo="c\oud of merit") became king of Ceylon who was a
contemporary of Samudragupta ( San-meou-to-lo-kin-to ) .**% He,
according to a Chinese text, sent two monks to Bodh-Gaya to
visit the sacred spots, but they were put to great inconvenience
for want of suitable accommodation. To remove this difficulty
for future pilgrims to the holy place, Meghavarna decided to
found a monastery there. He accordingly sent a mission to
Samudragupta with rich presents and asked for permission,
and the Ceylonese king built a splendid monastery to the north
of the Bodhi tree. 439
By the time of Hiuen Tsang it had developed into a magni-
ficant establishment, with more than 1,000 priests, and the
pilgrim has described the rich decorations and massive grand-
eur of the buildings. Referring to the old history of its
foundation Hiuen Tsang says that the Ceylonese king 'gave in
tribute to the king of India all the jewels of his country'. "It
is likely that Samudragupta's courtier also regarded the rich
presents as a tribute, and construed the Ceylonese king's
prayer for permission to build a monastery into an 'application
for charter confirming him in the enjoyment of his territories',
one of the forms of homage paid by the category of states into
which Simhala is included". 440
Simhala is generally identified with Lanka. But Varahami-
hira 441 mentions both of them separately as situated in the
South.
Lanka has been identified differently by various scholars
with Lanka of Madhyadesa, 442 with Maldives, 443 with the
160 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
northern part of the Andhra country on the shores of the Bay
of Bengal, 444 and with an island off the south-east Coast of Cey-
lon. 445 All these theories are refuted by S.B. Chaudhuri 446 who
remarks that the assumption that Lanka is not Ceylon is gra-
tuitous. 447 He points out that in the Ramayana Ravana while
entreating Slta to be his wife says : "Lankandma samudrasya
madhye mama mahdpuri sdgarena pariksiptd nivistd " 448
Hanuman makes a similar statement in describing the strategi-
cal position of Lanka : Sthitd pare samudrasya durapdrasya.^
Kalidasa in his Raghuvarhsa in connexion with 'Purim Lahkdm*
writes : "Mahdrnava pariksepam lankdydh parikhdlaghum".^
With regard to the bridge built by Rama Kalidasa notes : sa
setum bandhaydmdsa plavangairlavandmbhasi.* 51 In the Skanda
Purana 452 and in the Kathasaritsagara, we have similar references
to Lanka. 453 All these passages point distinctly to the great sea
on the other side of which was situated the great city of Lanka.
The separate mention of Simhala and Lanka in many
Sanskrit texts is quoted to show that Lanka was distinct from
Ceylon. 454 This is hardly convincing for the separate mention
of Mathura and Surasena, Saketa and Kosala, Gandhara
and Taksasila, Avanti and Ujjaini, did not imply any material
geographical difference as they were treated only as convertible
terms in geographical texts of the Puranas. In the Puranic
lists, Lanka is a territorial name and Simhala is an ethnic name.
As the name of a city in the island of Siriihala, Lanka passed
off as a dvipa, and the two names were used in the same
geographical sense. A passage in the Ramayana runs thus :
"Simhalan barbardn mlecchdn ye ca lahkdnivdsinah".^ Hiuen
Tsang also mentions Seng-ka-lo (Ceylon) which included Leug-
ka (Lanka). 456 As pointed out by B.C. Law, the Mahavamsa
and its commentary show that Lankadvlpa (the lower portion)
was one of the main divisions of the island of Ceylon. 457
It is a valid presumption, therefore, that the ancient name
Lanka referred to Ceylon. 458 We may assume further, as seems
very likely, that Lanka was the early name of Ceylon and its
literary name as well. Mention is made of Lahkddvipa even in
medieval inscriptions. 45 ^ The Madras museum plates of Jatila-
varman refer to the beautiful island of Lanka asllangai.* Epi-
graphic evidence, however, shows that Simhala, another name
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
161
of ancient Ceylon, was equally well known. Thus the Kanhad
plate of Krsna III refers to the island of Sirhhala. 461 In another
inscription the king of Sirhhala is described as waiting on the
shore. 462 In other inscriptions Sirhhala is variously designated
as Singala-desam, 463 Sllam 464 and Sihala. 465 All this evidence
favours the suggestion that as territorial names Sirhhala and
Lanka were convertible terms, although the latter is also
used as the name of a city. Priaulx remarks and probably,
correctly, that Lanka was the old mythological name for
Ceylon, and that later on it was supplanted by Tamraparru%
and subsequently when the Periplus was written, by Palaesi-
mundus or Palaesimoundon which itself was transformed into
Salike, Serendiva derived from Pali Sihala or Sihala dipa.^
The name Palaesimoundon is very plausibly based on "pare
samudrasya"^ 1 in the description given of Lanka as noted
above. Ptolemy's Simoundon 468 also refers to that name. But
in Ptolemy's Geography the island is called Salike which
responds to Siele diba of Kosmas Indicopleustes^* both o^
which have their sources in Sihalam "the Pali form of Sanskrit
Sirhhala" or Ceylon. To this source may be traced its other
names such as Serendib.Zeilan, Sialan, the last one yielding
to Ceylon. Marco Polo's Seilan* 71 is a nearer approach to the
modern name. Van-der-turk suggests that the name may have
been derived from Sela or 'precious stone', hence the island
was anciently called Ratnadvipa* An Arab historian called
it the "Island of Rubies". The Chinese name for the island
also implies reference to gems. The name Sailan also occurs in
the works of Rashiduddin, Hayton and Jordanus. 473 Al-Beruni
called it Smgaldib* 1 * Sirhhala is perhaps so called as once
abounding in lions. 475
We may note here that there are references to another
Sirhhala quite different from Ceylon. 476 It was placed to the
east of Marudesa and to the south of the Kamadri. It is evi-
dently in the Punjab-Rajasthan region and reminds us of the
kingdom of Simhapura mentioned by Hiuen Tsang.
20. &fai(No. 1.L.23) :
One of the tribes which is said to have paid homage to
Samudragupta. As we have already discussed in connexion
with the Murundas, the expression, ( Saka-Murun<Ja' should
162 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
not be translated to mean aka-lords. Following Fleet 477
we may better split the expression into two distinct names,
the Sakas and Murundas.
The Sakas in the time of Samudragupta (4th century A.D.)
must be the akas of Western India belonging to the Satrcpal
family of Castana and Rudradaman. Jn this period the Saka
ruler was Rudrasimha II and his successor Rudrasirhha III,
whose coins come up to A.D. 390, was killed by Candragupta
II. 478 Other persons of that nationality were ruling in and
about Sand. 479
The Scyths, whom Indians named as Sakas, were originally
living on the borders of Bactria. A nomadic people called
Yueh-Chih by the Chinese forced them to move from that
place. Eventually in the beginning of the first century B.C., the
Sakas moved on from Bactria to attack first the Parthians of
Iran, and then the Greeks in India. 480
By the middle of the 1st Century B.C. there remained only
a few petty Greek chiefs in India, and the power of the Sakas
reached Mathura. The Sakas continued the earlier practice
of issuing coins with bilingual legends in Greek and Prakrit.
The earliest Saka king in India was Maues (about C.80
B.C.) 481
Towards the close of the first Century A.D., the Satavahanas
were pushed out from the North- West Deccan by the invad-
ing Sakas of the Ksaharata clan; but the Satavahanas under
the greatest of their rulers, GautamTputra Satakarnin recover-
ed their lands about A.D. 130. After this event nothing more
is heard of the Ksaharatas. 482
Another aka dynasty, called the Karddamaka family but
generally known as the "Western Satraps", gained control of
Kathiawar and Malwa at about the same time, and ruled
roughly upto A.D. 400, and at the hight of their power govern-
ing much of Rajasthan and Sind also. The greatest ruler of
this dynasty was Rudradaman, who has left the earliest impor-
tant inscription in correct Sanskrit, 483 a long panegyric which
records his martial exploits, and his reconstruction of a great
artificial lake at Girnar in Kathiawar, which had been excava-
ted under Candragupta and improved in the time of Asoka.
This inscription is among the earliest certainly dated records
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
163
of ancient India, and proves that Rudradaman was reigning in
A.D. 150. 484
Samudragupta's main effort was in the direction of the
West, where the Sakas had ruled for over 200 years and which
was enriched by the lucrative western trade. The Sakas at
that time controlled Malwa and Kathiawar and were a power
to be reckoned with. 'Though the Allahabad Pillar Inscription
claims that Samudragupta received homage from "the Saka
lords", it is probable that he did not measure swords with
them'. 485 It is clear that the Saka homage to Samudragupta
was not at all sincere and reliable since it was not tendered
to his successor, 486 and Candragupta II had to conquer the
Sakas once again.
There is indeed a tradition that on the death of Samudra-
gupta the Sakas succeeded in shaking the Gupta Empire, and
forced the weak king, Ramagupta, to conclude a dishonour-
able peace. 487 Most authorities reject the story, and deny the
historicity of Ramagupta, but the recent discovery of copper
coins bearing his name 488 strengthens the suggestion that
the tradition has a basis of fact. 489
It was Candragupta II (C. 376-41 5), the son of Samudra-
gupta and younger brother of the shadowy Ramagupta, who
finally defeated the Sakas, soon after A.D. 388 49 ^> So he is
rightly remembered as 'Sak&ri* 'the enemy of the Sakas'. 491
The trousers were introduced into India by the Sakas and
seem to have been in vogue among the ruling classes during
the Gupta times, for Gupta kings often appear on their coins
as wearing trousers. 492
The akas were notorious drinkers. It is said that Cyrus
defeated the Sakas, when they were maddened by wine. 493
It has been suggested by Buddha Prakash that as a result of
the influence of the Sakas, the vogue for excessive drinking
spread. Strabo 494 speaks of a Bacchanalian festival of the
Persian, in which men and women, dressed in Scythian style
passed day and night in drinking and wanton play. 495 We
know of similar drinking bouts in the Mahabharata. 496 Prob-
ably the Scythians and the Iranians popularised drinking in
the Punjab. The people of the Gangetic country, sticking to
pristine ideals of moderation did not relish the exotic drink-
164 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
ing bouts popularised in the Punjab, under Saka and Persian
influence. Baudhayana in his Dharmasutra, Kama in the
Mahabharata, and the Buddha in his discourses denounced
drinking and laid down a prohibition against it. 497 But all
this is not agreeable since Buddha and Baudhayana belong to a
period before the coming of the Sakas. Aryans have been
great lovers of drinking. We can find sufficient evidence for
the drinking before Sakas.
We may here refer to the Saka Era(A.D. 78), which is
very popular in India even to-day. Traditionally this era is
known to have been founded by a Saka king who occupied
Ujjayim 137 years after Vikramaditya. The era may in fact
have been founded by Kaniska. It was certainly used early in
the 2nd Centuary A.D. by the "Western Satraps", who ruled
Malwa, Kathiawar and Gujarat. Thence, the use of the era
spread through the Deccan and was exported to South-East
Asia. 498 Because of its long association with the Saka Satraps
the era may have earned its present name.
The Sakas came to be included in the category of the mart-
ial classes of ancient India. Manu 499 refers to the warlike
people on the fringes of Aryan civilization, including the
Greeks (Yavana), the Scyths (Saka), and the Parthians (Pah-
lava), as ksatriyas who had fallen from grace through their
neglect of the sacred law, but who could be received once more
into Aryan fold by adopting the orthodox way of life and
performing appropriate penitential sacrifices. 500
The Sakas were a white-skinned tribe or race of people; in
the legends which relate the contests between Vasistha and
Visvamitra, the Sakas are fabled to have been produced by
the cow of Vasistha, from her sweat, for the destruction of
Visvamitra's army. 501
Buddha Prakash 502 traces the Saka invasion on the basis
of literary and linguistic considerations.
The name of the capital of the Madras, Sakala, and that of
the region between the Ravi and the Chenab, Sakaladvlpa, are
based on the word Saka and are indicative of a Saka invasion.
Likewise, the name of the clan Sakya, to which Buddha
belonged, enshrines a reminiscene of the word Saka.
Moreover, the place-names ending in kantha existing in the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
165
whole of the Punjab from the Bannu valley to the Kankhala
region and even beyond suggest an intrusion of the Sakas long
before the time of Panini, 503 who is known to have flourished
one century before the invasion of Alexander, the Great.
Kantha is a Saka word for city 504 and is akin to kadhavara or
kanthavara of Kharosthi inscriptions, Kand of Persian, Kantha
of Khotanese, Kandh of Sogdian, Kandai of Pushto, Kanda
or Koent of the dialect of the Rsikas. It is significant
that the land beyond the Oxus, the Urheimat of the Sakas,
abounds in Kan ///^-ending place names, such as Samarkand,
Khokand, Chimkand, Tashkand, Panjkand, and Yarkand.
The reference to the stepped-well, called Sakandhu after
the Sakas, together with that worked by Persian Wheel, known
as Karkandhu after the Karkians, in a varttika of Katyayana 505
also leads to the same conclusion.
At the time of Alexander's invasion the Sakas lived at the
north-western borders of India. That this tide of Saka inva-
sion, descending from the north-west, touched the eastern
extremity of India, is manifest from the traditions of the
Puranas that the Sakas advanced to Ayodhya during the reign
of King Bahu and that his son Sagara checked and repelled
them. 506
In the Mahabharata the Sakas are stated to have constitut-
ed along with Culikas, Tusaras and Yavanas, the right wing
of the Krauncavyuha formed by Bhlsma on the sixth day of
the battle. 507 Caraka in his medical treatise 508 refers to them
in the context of Central Asiatic tribes, viz. Bahlika, Pahlava,
Clna, Yavana and Saka. 509
Buddha Prakash also tries to trace the remnants of the
Sakas in modern times. 510
The Sakas came into Punjab after the Yavanas or the
Greeks. During their long rule they contributed a great deal
to Indian culture and ultimately became one with the Indian
people. 511 The depth of their influence on Indian society is
manifest from the word thakura, which implies the ideas of
nobility and divinity and stands for the Rajputs in the Punjab
and is derived from the word thagora, taugara or tukhara. 512
The name Tukhara itself survives in the name of the Tokhi
caste found in the North- West. 513 Another caste called Khosla
166 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
is a survival of Kusulaka, the surname of the Ksaharata
chiefs Liaka Kusulaka and his son PatikaKusuluka. Analogous
to this word is the name of Kuzula Kadphises the first Kusana
emperor to advance towards the Punjab. Hultzsch has equated
this word with Turki gtijlti meaning 'strong', and Sten Konow
has compared it with Turki guzel, meaning 'beautiful', but
Liiders has shown that it is the name of a family or clan of
the Sakas. 514 So the name of Khosla is a remnant of this
tribe. 515 Besides the Thakuras and Tokhis of the Punjab,
there are caste-groups of Soi and Sikka, which are reminiscent
of the Sakas.
21. Sanakanika (No. 1, L.22; No.3, L.2) :
In Inscription No.3 it occurs with the short V in the fourth
syllable, i.e. as 'Sanakanika'. 516
The Sanakanlkas were also subjugated by Samudragupta
along with other tribes who payed him all kinds of taxes,
obeyed his orders and were coming to perform obeisance. 517
In the Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Candragupta If, of the
Year 82 (A.D. 401) (No. 3), we know of a Maharaja of the
'Sanakanika' tribe or family, who was a feudatory of Candra-
gupta II and who is stated to have recorded his gift on a Vais-
nava Cave temple at Udayagiri. 518 Udayagiri is a well-known
hill about two miles to the north-west of Bhilsa, ancient
Vidisa. 519 Thus we can say that the Sanakanlkas lived in the
neighbourhood of Bhilsa. 520 D.R. Bhandarkar mentions them
to have held the province of Vidisa but he also locates Gana-
patinaga's kingdom (one of the kings subjugated by Samudra-
gupta) in Vidisa. 521 So his view seems to be inconsistent.
It may be noted that the Sanakanika feudatory chief of
Candragupta II, as well as his father and grandfather, bore the
title Maharaja. This may suggest that the Sanakanlkas, and
probably other tribes mentioned along with them in the
Allahabad Pillar Inscription were not tribal republics, as is
generally supposed, but were ruled by hereditary chiefs. 522
The name of the grandfather of this Sanakanika feudatory
chief of Candragupta II, is given as Chagalaga 'which looks
like a foreign name'; 523 but his father bears a purely Hindu
name : 'Visnudasa'. Of course the present chief's name is
illegible in the inscription (No. 3). 524 But considering the trend
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 167
it may be surmised that his name also was a Sanskrit name. 525
It seems that the tribe which originally consisted of aboriginal
people was gradually coming under the influence of Sanskrit
culture.
22. Vahlika (No.20, L.2) :
The MeharaulT Pillar Inscription (No.20) describes the dig-
vijaya of a king named Candra (i.e. Candragupta II) in the
first verse as stated below : "He, on whose arm fame was
inscribed by the sword, when, in battle in the Vanga count-
ries, he kneaded (and turned) back with (his) breast the enemi-
es who, uniting together, came against him; he, by whom,
having crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the (river)
Sindhu, the Vahlikas were conquered; he, by the breezes of
whose prowess the Southern ocean is even still perfumed". 526
We find various readings of the name Vahlika in literature
which are : Vahlika, Bahlika, Vahlika and Bahllka. In our
inscription (No. 20) *Vah\ikah\ i.e. Vahlika in plural denotes
the people of Vahlika i.e. Bactria (modern Balkh) region on
the Oxus in the northern part of Afghanistan. 527
Mislead by a verse in the Ramayana, 528 D.R. Bhandarkar 52 ^
places Vahlikas in the close proximity of the Vipasa,, the
modern Beas. The reading Vdhllkan in the passage quoted
from the Ramayana is a mistake for Vahlkan. Numerous
passages can be quoted from the Epic, Puranic and classical
Sanskrit literature to prove that the Punjab =Paficanada, 'the
land of five rivers', was in ancient times called the Vahlka
country. 530
'Vahika' was, in fact, a general term for the whole of
Punjab. We know Sakala as Vahika-grama from Patanjali and
also Patanaprastha which is modern Pathankot by the same
term. Moreover, Vatsyayana in his Kamasutra and Rajasekhara
in his Kavya-mlmamsa mention the people of Bahllka and
Punjab as two separate entities. 531
There is, however, one verse in the Karnaparvan of the
Mahabharata which suggests that Vahlka was originally the
name of a country or people on the Vipasa, (the Beas) : "In
the Vipasa, there were two Pisacas named Vahi and Hika;
their descendants are called Vahikas who are not the creation
ofPrajapati". 532
168 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Later on the sense of the word expanded to cover all the
tribes living in the Punjab. It is interesting to note that the
Mahabharata sometimes uses the terms Vahlka, Madra, Jartika,
Aratta and Paficanada synonymously. It appears that the lands
of these tribes which lived close to one another became in
course of time moulded into a big kingdom under the powerful
kings of Sakala (Sialkot). As Vahlka was beyond Kurukshetra
and, therefore, outside the boundary of Brahmavarta, its ana-
logical connection with the word "bahis 1 may have been another
cause of the expansion of its geographical sense. 533 This is
also reflected in the Varttikas of Katyayana who derives the
word''VahIka' from l vahis" or 'bahis 9 , meaning 'outside' (the
pale of Aryandom). 534
Some scholars 535 rely on the description of the Bahlikas
as the offspring of two Pisacas, Bahi and Hika, as given in
the Mahabharata. Buddha Prakash holds that fresh stream
of the Bactrian people which swooped over the Punjab came
to be known as Balhikas; their name which became a general
designation for the people of Punjab was later corrupted as
Vahlka. 536 But we have already shown that the two were
separate entities.
We know that the Vahlkas were the people living within
the boundaries of the five rivers including the sixth Sindhu
(Indus), 537 but according to the Meharaull Pillar Inscription
Candragupta conquered Vahlikas after crossing the seven
mouths of the (river) Indus (sapta mukhani sindhoh). 538 So
Vahlika of our inscription' is certainly Balkh in the extreme
north of Afghanistan. 539 Bajpai 540 opposes it on the ground
that Candragupta could not have gone to so far off a place as
Bactria which is situated across the Hindukush and rejects
the older contention of scholars that the Kusanas were ruling
in Bactria during king Candra's campaign and that he crossed
the Hindukush to crush them.
But the view of Bajpai is not tenable since it is clear from
the lines in our inscription 541 that king Candra had conquered
the Vahlikas after crossing the seven mouths of the river
Indus.
So far as the literary evidence is concerned we find that
Balhika is the name of a people in the Atharvaveda; 542 here
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 169
the fever (Takman) is called upon to go to the Mujavants, the
Mahavrsas, and the Balhikas. The Mujavants are quite certainly
a northern tribe, and though the passage may contain a pun
on Balhika as suggesting 'outsider' (from bahis, 'without'), 543
still there is no doubt that the name was chosen from a northern
tribe. 544
The Satapatha Brahmana 545 mentions a Kuru king named
Balhika Pratiplya. It seems that Balhika was a descendant of
Pratlpa. But there is no evidence to show why he bore the name
Balhika. 546 He is perhaps the same as Maharaja Bahlika Prati-
peya of the Mahabharata. 547
The Ramayana shows that the Royal Kuru family originally
migrated from the Bahlika country. The passage in question 548
says that Ila, son of the Prajapati Kardama, who was the king
of the Vahli country, gave up Bahlika in favour of his son
Sasavindu, and founded a new city Pratisthanapura in the
Madhya-desa, where his other son Pururava Aila continued to
rule. This links up the Ailas, the progenitor of the Kurus, with
the Kardama royal family of Bahli. H.C. Raychaudhuri 549
suggests that Karddama, the name of the ruling family of
Vahlika, was obtained from the river of that name in Persia,
and thus infers that the home of the Karddama king is to
be identified with Bahlika or Balkh in Iran. This view was
earlier advocated by Roth 550 and Weber. 551 But Zimmer 552
rightly shows that there is no need to assume any Iranian
influence. 553
We know Vahlika from the Puranic list of peoples. 554 The
Account of fifty-six countries 555 is interesting as it mentions
them with the Hunas, Kauravas, Gandharas and Vidarbhas
among others. In the Saktisangama Tantra 556 Bahlika is
described as famous for horses and situated to the east of
Mahamlechha and beginning with Kamboja. B.C. Law on the
basis of reference in the Mahabharata 557 places the Vahlikas
in the neighbourhood of Gandhar and Kamboja. 558
Katyayana (4th century B.C.) 559 mentions Bahlayana and
derives it from the word Bahli, a country also mentioned in
the ArthaSastra of Kautilya. 560
The Vayu Purana, Siva Purana, Kavya-Mimarhsa of Rajase-
khara and the Ramayana 561 place the Vahlika country in the
170 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
northern division. 562 Bahlika is the name of a person in the
Visnu-Purana. 563 The NatyaSastra 564 of Bharata says that
Bahlikabhasa was spoken by the northern people (Udlcyas).
A similar reference is also to be found in the Sahitya-darpana. 565
In the Kamasutra of Vatsyayana, 566 Bahlika is grouped
with Strirajya, which occurs in the list of North- Western divi-
sion. The peculiar custom in Bahlika of several young men
being married to a single woman as in strlrajya (stnrdjye ca
Bdhlike ), appears to be an outlandish custom prevailing
in the regions to the west of India. 567 The Jayamangala comm-
entary also says that Bahllka was in Uttarapatha. 568
We find the word Vahlika occurring in the Amara-kosa in
two ways :
1. Bahlika
2. Bahllka^
The Amarakosa shows that Bahlika was famous for horses,
saffron and Ferula Asafoetida (hingu).
The reference to saffron leads us to the filaments of saffron
on the banks of Vanksu (oxus) where Raghu gave defeat to the
Hunas as described in Kalidasa's Raghuvarhsa. 571 The reading
Sindhu of the passage 572 is plainly a mistake for Vanksu which
is corroborated by Kslrasvamin, the earliest commentator of
Amara who clearly shows that the Bahlika country was border-
ed on the Oxus. 573
The Brhatsarhhita 574 places Bahllkas in the jurisdiction of
the Sun. Ancient tradition connects the Bahlikas with the
Dharstakas, a Ksatriya clan which occupied the Bahlika
country. 575 We know that Bahliki was another name of Madrl,
queen of the Madras. 576
Buddha Prakash suggests that the Vedic school of the
Bhallavins enshrined the memory of the Bahlikas; the modern
sub-castes of the Barasarin sub-group of the khatrisBhalla and
Behl represent the ancient Balhikas, and the Jat clans of Bhalar
and Bhalerah, found in Multan, the Baloch tribe Bhalka, liv-
ing in Sindh, Bahawalpur and Dera Ghazi Khan and the clan
Bhallowana, found in Shahpur, are remnants of the far-flung
Bahllka tribes. 577 There is a possibility of the Bahllkas migrat-
ing from their original home Balkh to the Punjab. 578
When Hieun Tsang visited Balkh, it was a centre of Buddh-
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 171
ist faith, 579 but after the overthrow of the Sassanid kingdom by
the Arabs, the ancient Bactria along with the adjoining territor-
ies passed under the control of Khorasan, the seat of the
Muftammadan power. 580
23. Yaudheya (No. 1, L. 22) :
The Yaudheyas are included among the tribes subjugated by
Samudragupta. In his time, they seem to have occupied north-
ern Rajputana and south-east Punjab, and their territory
extended up to the confines of the Bahawalpur State where
their name survives in the name of the tract called Johiyawar. 581
Their earliest reference in the inscriptions is found in the
Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman I (A.D. 150) 582
which mentions the victory of Mahaksatrapa Rudradaman over
the Yaudheyas who were 'proud of their heroism'. The Bijaya-
gadh Inscription 583 which is a record of the Yaudheyas (in
Brahmi characters of the second-third century A.D.) 584 connects
them with Bharatpur State in Rajputana. It refers to one
Maharaja Mahasenapati, the ruler of the Yaudheya-gana. 585
Literally the word Yaudheya means 4 a warrior' which corr-
esponds with the Ossadu of Arrian, the Sambastae of Diodorus
and the Sambracae of Curtius, who made their submission to
Alexander. 586 They were a powerful nation and their forces
consisted of 60,000 foot, 6000 horse, and 500 chariots. 587
We get three different versions about the origin of the
Yaudheyas :
(i) In the Mahabharata 588 it is stated that Yudhisthira
married the daughter of the Saivya King Govasana
named Devika and begot a son from her named
Yaudheya.
Buddha Prakash 589 and M.K. Sharan, 590 on this basis,
have been tempted to connect the Yaudheyas with
Yudhisthira, the eldest of the Pandava brothers. D.K.
Gupta questions the foundations of this theory on this
solitary basis in the absence of a more solid or a posi-
tive evidence; 591 but on the other hand he himself has
indulged in connecting the Arjunayanas with the epic
hero Arjuna. 592
(ii) The Visnu-Purana gives a contrary view of the same
story. It states that Yaudheyi was the queen of Yudhi-
sthira from whom he had a son named Devaka 593
172 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
(iii) The Harivamsa 594 and the Vayu Purana 595 state that
King Uslnara of the Puru dynasty had five queens
named Nrga or Mrga, KrmT, Nava, Darva and Drsad-
vat! who gave birth to five sons named Nrga, (or Mrga),
'Krmi, Nava, Suvrata and Sibi (or Sivi) respectively.
Sibi was the lord of the Sibi people or of the city of
Sivapura, while Nrga (or Mrga) was the ruler of the
Yodheyas or of Yaudheyapura. The other three sons
of Uslnara, viz., Nava, Krmi and Suvrata, were the
lords respectively of Navarastra,KrmilapurI and Amba-
sthapurl. 596 According to Pargiter, King Uslnara
established the Yaudheyas, Ambasthas,Navarastra,and
the city of Krmila, all on the eastern border of the
Punjab; while his famous son Sivi Auslnara originated
the Sivis or Sibis in Sivapura. 597
It is very difficult to reject or accept the Puranic tradition
without any further evidence. However, as regards their conne-
ction with Uslnara, we may say that scholars are somewhat
confused by differing versions by varied text with regard to the
territory ruled over by him. 598 The Rgveda, the Jatakas as
well as the accounts of Fahien and Hiuen Tsang connect the
Usmaras with a region farther to the north-west in Swat Valley,
a part of the ancient Mahajanapada of Gandhara; while the
Aitareya Brahmana, the Kausltak! Upanisad and the Kathasa-
ritsagara associate them to the region north of Haridwar near
the source of Ganges at Kanakhala.
It is possible that originally they were settled in the Swat
Valley but by the passage of time, they migrated to other places
as well. For example, we find that the Sibis were known to
Alexander's followers, living between the Indus and the
Akesines (Chenab). 599
In the Mahabharata, 600 the Yaudheyas are described as
having been defeated by Arjuna, along with the Malavas and
Trigarttas^ In the Sabhaparvan, 6 i the Yaudheyas together
with the Sibis and the Trigarttas are represented as having
paid homage to Yudhisthira. In the Dronaparvan, 602 we find
that an epithet 'Adrija' meaning 'mountain-born', is used for
the Yaudheyas.
The Yaudheyas were one of the republican tribes of the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
173
Punjab. Panini 603 includes them among the ayudhajivl samghas
together with the Parsus who are considered to be Persians
by Dr. Buddha Prakash. 604 Panini mentions the Yaudheyas in
another Sutra also. 605 Kautilya also refers to the Yaudheya as
a warrior clan of the Punjab. 606
The Brhatsamhita 607 places them in the northern division of
India and describes them as being in the region of Brhaspati. 608
In the Sahityadarpana of Visvanatha, they are described as
interested in gambling (dlvyatam) and speaking the Southern
Vaidarbhi. 609
Yaudheya coins have been found all over the area from
Saharanpur to Multan. In the Ludhiana district have been
unearthed their votive tablets. A rich find of their coin-moulds
was brought to light by B. Sahni at Khokrakot near Rohtak
where there seems to have existed a regular mint. 610 Their
new currency 611 depicting their tutelary deity Karttikeya which
replaced the Kusana currency in these regions, shows that
they played a leading part in the extermination of Saka rule
in India. 612 The findings of the Yaudheya coins in large num-
ber at Saharanpur, Dehradoon, Delhi, Rohtak and Kangra
attest the fact that they had driven out the Kusanas from these
areas and had re-established themselves firmly, in the 3rd-4th
century A.D. 613
One of their seals, bearing the legend "Yaudheyandm jayam-
antradharanam" 614 shews that they were held in high esteem
among the warrior-clans of the Punjab . Some scholars seem
to be confused about its interpretation. Shobha Mukerji 615
opines that their coins were issued in the name of the gana as
well as the Mantra-dharas. M.K. Sharan 616 explains the word
" Mantradhara" to mean the members of the Executive Com-
mittee "those vested with the policy of the state". He is of the
opinion that one set of the Yaudheya coins is struck in the
name of the "Mantradharas"and the "Gana", while the other
set is struck simply in the name of Gana. 617 He seems to have
wrongly substituted the reading "Mantradhara" for "Mantra-
dhara". He has been arbitrary in separating "Jaya" from
Mantradhardnam" Gl8 which forms a compound by the combi-
nation of the two words. Further he rejects the view of some
historians who consider the word " Mantradharanam" to mean
174 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
'those who were in possession of Victory Charm'. But he
contradicts himself at another place while explaining a seal 619
found at Naurangabad with the remarks : "This seal indicates
the bravery of the tribe and that they were never defeated as
they had adopted the title of 'srwaTO:' ".
Actually the expression may mean 'the Yaudheyas who
knew the secret of victory'. It is symbolic of their victory and
pride that they never got defeated.
Another word which has raised some controversy among
the scholars is "Darma" found on some of the Yaudheya coins.
Some scholars take it to mean Dharma while others take it for
'Dama' or 'Darmtf to be a Sanskritised form of Greek
"Z)rac/zma". 620 Again some controversy arose whether it was
a Copper one or of silver. 621 The word l Damma > or l Drammd >
has been used for a gold coin. 622 It may be remarked that the
word borrowed from some foreign language may not strictly
be used in the original sense and hence it may simply mean
coin. 623 The Kusanas had introduced gold-coins which were
later on adopted by the Guptas. But the Yaudheyas seem to
have never adopted the gold currency since so far we have found
no gold coin belonging to them. This may speak of their weaker
economic condition ; surely they could not compare with
powerful monarchies. On some of the Yaudheya coins, we have
the mysterious words, "dvi" (two) and k< /n" (three) after the
legend "Yaudheyaganasyajayah" which may point out their
making a confederation with other tribes, viz., the Arjunayanas
and the Kunindas. 624 They seem to have controlled the area
lying on the banks of the river Sutlej up to the borders of the
Bahawalpur State which is still called Johiyawar. The word
'Johiya 9 is apparently an abbreviation of 'Jodhiya', which is the
Sanskrit Yaudheya. 625 Cunningham, however, takes the words
*dvi 9 and 'tri 9 of the above-mentioned coins to signify 'the
money of the second and third tribes of the Yaudheyas'. 626
M.K. Sharan 627 has enlisted about twenty-four types and
Symbols on the coins of the Yaudheyas which may point to
their religious leanings as well bear out some aspects of their
social life. They are as follows :
1. Bull
2. Elephant
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 175
3. Deer
4. Peacock
5. Tree-in-railing
6. Human figure standing (warrior)
7. LaksmI
8. Cobra
9. Scythic-like object(Yupa)
TO. Stupa
11. Trisula
12. Nandipada
13. Shell
14. Svastika
15. Vase or Mangala Kalasa
16. Tribal sign or Ujjayini Symbol
17. Two V with a line in between probably representing
two hooded snakes
18. Triangular-headed symbol or more probably a Yupa
19. Zig-Zag line depicting snake or river
20. Circles with dots around, probably representing the sun
.21. Curved object within railing, probably a representation
of the Yupa
22. Hill so-called Caitya
23. Six-headed Sasth! or Krttika 628
.24. Siva.
CONCLUSION
We have discussed the following names of the tribes :
J Abhlra
2. Arjunayanas
3. Atavikas
4. Daivaputra
5. Huna
6. Kakas
7. Kharaparikas
8. Kotas
9. Kurus
10. Licchavis
1 1 . Madrakas
12. Malava
13. Mleccha
14. Murundas
15. Prarjunas
16. Pusyamitras
17. Sahanusahi
18. Sahi
19. Saimhalaka
20. Saka
21. SanakanTka
22. Vahllka
23. Yaudheya
Among these the Abhlra, Arjunayanas, Atavikas, Kakas,
Kharaparikas, Kotas, Kurus, Licchavis, Madrakas, Malava,
Prarjunas, Pusyamitras, Sanakamkas and Yaudheyas are the
indigenous tribes while the Daivaputra, Huna, Mleccha,
Murundas, Sahanusahi, Sahi, Saimhalaka, Saka, and Vahllka
represent the foreign stock.
We have seen how some of these tribes migrated to places
other than their original settlements and gave their names to
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
177
the janapadas they settled. They replaced the old Vedic tribes
in Punjab and Rajasthan though some of them are deemed as
offshoots of the main tribe. The Prarjunas, Sanakamkas,
Kakas and Kharaparikas may be later tribes since they find
hardly any mention in the ancient texts. The Madrakas who
were a branch of the Salvas (who had a totemic origin) and
the Licchavis who had legendary origin as a result of an
incestuous union between brother and sister may even be pre-
dated to Aryan way of life, indicating the period of totemic
worship and when there was no conscious taboo on incest.
About the foreign tribes mentioned above we find that the
Sakas influenced India so much that the Purana-writers included
Saka-dvlpa in the Bhuvanakosa section. There are probabilities
of the Huna and Vahllka settlements in the Punjab and some
territories known after them. The title Sahi was supplanted by
the Hunas and Turks in their administrative systems. After the
Aryans migrated to the east, the lands in the North-West were
looked at with contempt, by the easterners and were labelled
as the Mleccha lands. The term Mleccha was generally used
for the foreigners who did not'come under the pale of Aryandom.
Hence the people in the North-West who came under foreign
influence and were liberalized in their outlook, were also
terms as the Mlecchas. Thus we find that the process of
political and the ethnic transformation continued.
Not only that we find that the majority of the above-
mentioned tribes were Aryanized, some under the Vratya
variety while others under the Vrsala system. The Hunas and
the Sakas were admitted to the Ksatriya stock while the Saka-
brahmanas known as the Magas were brahmanised. Many pre-
Aryan names were Sanskritized but some names retained their
old forms; the names like the Licchavis, Abhlra, etc., cannot
be explained through the root and suffix of Aryan language. 62 ^
Thus we see that the ethnic, geographical and cultural
factors differentiated one tribe from the other. The use of the
terms Arya, Anarya, Mleccha, Vratya and Vrsala prove it
beyond doubt. But there was interaction among these tribes
and the tribes which interacted later survived as castes. Most
of these tribes represented the Little Tradition and were
absorbed into the Great Tradition. Some of their cults and their
178
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
gods became a part of the main-stream of the Aryan society.
The Linguistic Survey of India has shown a survival of
India's janapadas through the long periods of time. The areas
of Indian dialects and languages as they are found today
correspond, in a striking manner, to the ancient or medieval
janapadas or janapada-samghatas (federations of Janapadas).
Even the Janapadas of the maha- Janapadas of the sixth century
B.C. comprised small areas. 'The ancients were not great
conquerors' declared Bana, an author of the seventh century
A.D., 'for in a small area of land, they had number of kings'. 630
By the close of the Gupta period, however, the Janapadas
had grown sufficiently in size, and in the middle ages they
came to be almost what we find them today. 631
It may also be conceded that the gana states of the
Yaudheyas, Malavas and Licchavis were not democracies or
republics in the sense in which we understand these words
today. Supreme and ultimate power did not lie vested in the
whole body of adult citizens. We can still describe these states
as republics. Standard works and authorities on the political
science define republic as a state, where the sovereign power
vests, not in a single person as in monarchy, but in a group or
college of persons, more or less numerous. Oligarchies, aristo-
cracies, and democracies have all been labelled as republics. 682
In any case modern India may take legitimate pride in the
fact that, though she may not have had democracies in the
modern sense, government by discussion was by no means
unknown in her ancient civilization. 633
Finally we may say that Samudragupta did not destroy the
Malavas, Arjunayanas, the Yaudheyas and the Madras to
extinction; they had become tributary but retained their internal
autonomy. Their territories were never directly administered
by the Guptas, and so their republican institutions could not
have been much affected.
REFERENCES
1. Satapatha Brahmana, I, 4, I, 10 to 17;
S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. Introduction p. xiv;
A. Ghosh, Vz. p. 33.
2. Aftadhyayl, 1/2/52 and 1/2/55.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 179
3. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 118.
4. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 36, Thirteenth Rock Edict, LL. 9-10.
5. Ibid., p. 17, Second Rock Edict.
6. Astadhyayl, 4/1/168 to 4/1/178.
7. K.P. Jayaswal, Ux. (edn. 1924) p. 156.
8. Romila Thapar, C. p. 50.
9. Ibid., p. 51.
10. Shobha Mukerji, Lg. p. 132;
Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Cx. (edn. 1922) p. 257.
11. Arthasastra : XI. 1. 160
12. Ibid., XI.l. 160-61.
13. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 97.
14. Aitareya Brahmana, VII. 3.14; A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (edn. 1972),
p. 117.
15. A.S. Altekar, op. cit., p. 125.
16. Vx. pp. 422-23.
17. V. 3. 114.
18. Amarakosa, II/8/3-4; A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (edn. 1972), p. 114.
19. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 109:
I Avadanasataka, II, p. 103.
20. Ibid.,(Kz) 2 , pp. 109-111.
21. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p.23, note 7.
22. Ibid., Ly. p. 2.
23. Ahlra being the Prakrit form of the Sanskrit word Abhira.
24. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 79.
25. A.L. Basham, Qg. pp. 195, 305.
26. Govinda 'Lord of Herdsman' which literally in Sanskrit means
'cow-finder'. It seems to be a Prakrit word whose correct Sanskrit
equivalent should be 'Gopendra'.
27. IX, 37. 1.
28. Qy. pp. 136, 139-40.
29. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 25-26;
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 80-81.
30. 1.2.3.
31. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 50-51.
32. Kamasutra (ed. Pancanan Tarkaratna), pp. 289, 308;
S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 45, note 14.
33. Chap. 57, Vs. 35-48; chap. 58, v. 22.
34. Chap. 45, 126.
35. XVI, p. 135, v. 31.
36. GJ. IX, p. 279.
37. V. I., 247.
38. GJ. XXV, p. 203.
39. Sahitya-Darpana (ed.) Satya]Vrat Singh, p. 472, V. 163 :
180 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
40. Kavyadarsa, 1.36 : srTWkTfrfiR: ^ucmsrsr f% *W: I
41. JJ. Vol. XXVII, March 1951;
"Observations on the sources of Apabhramsa stanzas of Hema-
candra", p. 19.
42. 2.6.13
43. 2.9.57
44. 2.2.50
45. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 67.
46. Ibid., p. 67, note 6.
47. J.N. Bhattacharya, Tx. p. 297.
48. Pargiter, Kg., pp. 2-3.
49. Ibid., pp. 54-55.
50. Mahabharata, XVI, 7.63.
51. X.15.
52. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 191-92:
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 96-97.
53. XIV, p. 120, v. 12.
54. Robert Shafer, Kx. pp. 119-20.
55. For Anavas, see Ibid, pp. 21-22.
56. 1.112,23; IV.26.1.
57. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 93.
S.B. Chaudhury, Jx. p. 92.
B.C. Law, Tg. p. 95.
58. Rgveda, VIII, 1.11; Yajurveda, X.21; Satapatha Brahmana, II, 1,
2-11; V.4.3.7.
59. Sten Konow, Dz. p. 115.
Dx. Introduction, p. 61.
60. Mahabharata, Virataparvan, IV. 39.18 :
ST: i
61. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 95.
62. Buddha Prakash, Studies in Indian History and Civilisation pp. 248-
249.
63. Buddha Prakash, 'Central Asia, the Crucible of Cultures' SJ. Vol.
XV (1956), p. 54.
64. A part of which has been published and translated by F.W.K.
Muller.
65. Buddha Prakash; (Zy.) 1 P- 94.
66. Ibid.
67. Panini, IV. 3.98.
V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 341.
68. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 93.
69. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 30.
70. R.C. Majumdar, L. p. 105.
71. XIV, p. 122, v. 25.
72. Brhatsamhita, XVI, p. 133, v. 22.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
181
73. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 25.
74. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. (5th edn.), p. 545.
75. V.A. Smith, X. p. 160.
76. No. 1, L. 21 : tfrsrR^^-^fef^-TF^:
we find the use of f^r suffix which shows that he made
In
them to become his servants who were not his servants.
77. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 395, L. 8 :
78. Ibid., p. 395, note 3.
79. G.T. XXXVIII, p. 331
80. Sabhaparvan, XXX, 1176.
81. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 383.
82. D.D. Kosambi, (Xz) 1 , (edn. 1975), p. 151.
83. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 21.
84. Brhat-Samhita, XIV, p. 122, Vs. 29, 30.
85. Cf. Fleet, (Dx) 1 . p. 13, note 7.
86. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 59.
87. See the Appendix No. IV.
88. It has been used by Kaniska, Vasiska, Huviska, and Kanisjca II
in their epigraphic records; See D.C. Sircar, Hz. For Kaniska pp. 138-
39, 144-45; For Vasiska pp. 149-50; For Huvika pp. 152-53, 157; For
Kaniska II p. 154.
89. F.W. Thomas,?. Part II. p. 305; Cf. Mookerji, Ag. p. 27.
90. A.K. Narain, Fg.,p. 50.
91. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 305.
92. Nos. 422, 500, 572, Vide : Py. pp. 112-113.
93. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 305 :
In Homer the kings are 'Zeus-born', the title god was born by
Ptolemy, VI, in 164-146 B.C., as also by a Parthian Arsakes on the
Indian border; earlier Parthian kings (Mithradates II, Mithradates III,
Phreates II and III) bore the title 'god-fathered'. In India every king was
deva.
94. Rgveda, X, 62.4.
95. Cf. JJ. I, p. 259 : The whole expression Daivaputra-sahisahanusahi
corresponds with the full royal insignia 'Daivaputra-maharaja-rajatiraja'
of the later Greek Kusanas
96. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, pp. 307-19.
Cf. Manu, VII. 3.
97. Ibid., p. 307.
98. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 138-57.
99. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 311. Candana in connection with
Kaniska denotes Chen-t'an clna-sthana, i.e. Chinese Turkestan.
100. Ibid., p. 312: For the inscription, see UJ. 1914, pp. 973-7; Konow,
Dx. pp. 70-77.
101. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 313.
102. Maharaja-Kanika-lekh, v. 47.
182
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
103. F.W. Thomas, P. Part II, p. 310.
104. Fz. p. 256 : Karna as the son of god Surya;
Ibid., p. 758; Bhlma as the son of god Vayu;
Ibid., p. 855; Yudhisthira as the son of god Dharma or Yama;
Ibid., p. 1288 : Hanuman as the son of Pavana or Maruta, 'the
Wind'.
105. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 16-33.
106. No. 54, L. 2 : Devaputravat one having divine sons (disciples);
D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 331.
107. No. 13, L. 15 :
108. R.B. Pandey, Wx. p. 101, f.n. 3.
109. Uigur transcriptions of Chinese, Chinese terms from J.J.M.De
Groot 'Die Hunnen der vorchristlichen Zeit' (Berlin, Leipzig, 1921), Vol. I,
pp. Iff.
110. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 155, f.n.l.
111. Ibid., pp. 155-56
112. Ibid., p. 156.
113. Ibid.
114. "Huns and Hsiung-nu", Byzantion 17 (1944-45), pp. 222-243
115. Ibid., p. 224.
116. La haute Asie (1931), p. 6.
117. Oriens 1 (1948), pp, 208-219.
118. In Der Islam 29 (1949), pp. 244-246.
119. See Robert Shafer, Kx. pp. 156-57.
120. Jarl Charpentier, "The original Home of the Indo-Europeans",
EJ. Vol. IV, 1926-28, p. 165.
121. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 194.
122. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 101.
123. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p.194.
124. (Dx) 1 , p. 158.
125. Ibid., p. 161.
126. LJ. LXIII. 186; JJ. XII, 531.
127. G.I. I. 239.
128. NJ. XIV, 28ff.
129. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 136.
130. NJ. XVIII, 203.
131. HJ. XV, 245.
132. J.T. XII, 532.
133. Wz. p. 59.
134. Upendra Thakur, Dg. Foreword, p.v.
135. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 197; l.Qz. p. 58.
136. (Dx^pp. 142 if.
137. Ibid : q" *TSRTT T^T^N
138. Ibid., pp! 146-147, L. 6.
139. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. 196 :
V. pp. 549-50;
B.C. Law, Tg. p. 58.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
183
140. Ibid., Pg. p. 199.
141. Ibid., pp. 184-85.
142. B.C. Sircar, Oz. pp. 24, 36-37, 38.
143. Raghuvamsa, IV. 68.
144. Ibid :
I
u
145. Brhatsamhita, XVI. v. 38, p. 136.
146. Ibid., XIV. v. 27, p. 122.
147. Upendra Thakur, Dg. p.46.
148. Ibid., See Foreword by D.C. Sircar, pp. v-viii.
149. VI. 9.64.
150. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 356.
151. UJ. 1897, pp. 892-9.
152. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 356, note 4.
153. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 26.
R.S. Tripathi, Zx. p. 245.
154. JJ. I, p. 258.
155. GJ. XII, p. 46, v.5.
156. Fz. p. 337, col. 3.
157. LVIII, 47.
158. A variant reading is ' SvarasagararasV '.
159. CXXI, 56.
160. B.C. Law, Tg. p.356.
161. K.P. Jayaswal, Ux. (edn. 1924), p. 156.
162. No. 1, L. 14 :
163. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 14.
164. E. 'The Kaumudlmahotsava as a Historical Play', p. 120.
165. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 139-40.
166. Ibid, p. 140; S.R. Goyal, D. pp. 140-141; NJ. pp. 113, 119.
167. Fleet, (DX) 1 , p. 5.
168. Ibid., p. 12; also see Pataliputra in the place-names.
169. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 140.
170. U.N. Roy, Lz. p. 93.
171. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p.260, note 4.
172. No. 22, L. 7 : ^ StRTTt *RW f^Tt ^fcm-^n^ sr^T: I
173. B.C. Law, Tg. p.18. ,
174. Rgveda, X, 33, 4. It may also mean 'the hearer of (the praises of)
the Kurus'.
175. Ibid, VIII, 3.21.
176. XX, 127, 7; Khil. V. 10.
177. XIII, 5, 4.
178. Buddha, pp. 403-404.
179. Vg. Vol. I, p. 167.
180. Ill, 23.
181. Vg. Vol. I, p. 167.
1 84 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
182. Ibid., pp. 165-66.
183. VIII, 14.
184. Vg. Vol. I, p. 168.
185. Satapatha Brahmana, III, 2, 3, 15.
186. Vg. Vol. I, p. 168;
S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 35;
V. Vol. I, p. 47.
187. VIII. 14.
188. VIII. 23.
189. Vg. Vol. I, p. 84;
Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 101, 102.
190. B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 21-22. See the reference to Kurudlpa,
Dipavamsa, p. 16; and the statement in the Sasanavamsa, p. 12, that the
place of the inhabitants of Uttaradipa is called the kingdom of Kurus
(Kururattham).
191. Shama Shastri's Translation of Arthasastra, p. 455.
192. Ibid., I, p. 29.
193. Robert Shafer, Kx. pp. 30-31.
194. Ibid, p. 31, notes 2, 3.
Alfred Liidwig first interpreted Kuril as 'red' and later as 'brown'.
195. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 129; Pathak takes the word dauhitra
in the technical sense of Putrikd-putra who was called dvamusyayana,
i.e., a person having dual parentage and possessing dual hereditary rights
of both the natural father and the maternal grandfather. (TJ. XIX pt. II,
pp. 140-41); See also S.R. Goyal, D. pp. 90-91, note 2.
196. Fleet, (Dx) 1 Introduction, pp. 134-36.
197. No. I, L. 22.
198. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 130.
199. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 332.
200. Ibid., p. 315 ;
Gx. p. 295 Smith holds that Candragupta, a local Raja at or near
Pataliputra, married Kumaradevl, a princess belonging to the Licchavi
clan, in or about the year 308.
201. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-12;
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 295-96 :
Medhatithi and Govindaraja, the two earliest commentators of the
Manu-smrti ? read Licchavi and this reading tallies exactly with the name
as given by Kautilya. Therefore, this form represents the earliest spelling
of this word in the Brahmanical Sanskritliterature.lt is only Kulluka
Bhatta, the Bengali Commentator of the fifteenth century, who reads
Nicchivi in a verse of Manu (X.22). This was due to a confusion between
'/a' and 'net of the fifteenth century in the Bengali language. Moreover,
these letters are frequently inter-changed in our tongues as we know
from our common experience.
202. Kautilya Arthasastra,'ed. R. Shama Shastri, p. 455.
The Sanskrit Text has.-
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
185
The 'ka' at the end of Licchavi, etc. is adjectival.
203. Ibid.
204. 'Notes on the Vajji Country and the Mallas of Pava' NJ. Vol.
VI, Pt. II, June 1920, pp. 259 ff.
205. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 295, note 4.
206. Rhys Davids, T. pp. 25-26, 40;
Chaudhuri, Jx pp. 164-65.
207. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 101.
208. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112.
209. B.C. Gokhale, Ez. pp.27-28; B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 299-300.
210. B.G. Gokhale, Fz. pp. 27-28.
211. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112.
212. Beal, Gg. Introduction, p. XXII.
213. Ibid, f.n. 1.
214. B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 302-4.
215. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112.
216. HJ. Vol. XXXVII, 19.8, p.79.
217. Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-112;
Law, Tg. pp. 303-4.
218. Ibid., f.n. 2; B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 297-98.
219. B.D. Gokhale, Ez. pp. 27-28'
220. Manu, X. 22.
221. Ibid., 20.
222. According to Buhler: the Manusmrti was compiled at some time
between 200 B.C. and A.D. 200 (Buhler, Manu, Introduction, p. CCVII).
223. B.C. Law. Tg. pp. 301-2.
224. B.G. Gokhale, Ez. pp. 27-28.
225. A.C. Banerjea, Nz.' 'The Vratya Problem", pp. 81-171.
226. Ibid., pp. 88-89.
227. Ibid., pp. 96-97.
228. HJ. Vol. XXXVII, p. 79;
Fleet, (Dx) 1 Introduction, p. 135.
229. Ch. 34, Kanda 7, verse 25.
230. B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 298-99.
Yogendra Mishra, F. pp. 106-12.
231. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 91, 115; Pargiter, M. p. 264.
232. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 111.
233. 11.52. 1870.
234. J. Przyluski, N. p. 4.
235. Mahabharata, I. 121. 4695.
236. J. Przyluski, N. p. 4.
237. =ET^TT^TT 11,4,103:
i
Buddha Prakash connects Yugandhara with modern Jagadhari in
Punjab:
Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 110.
186 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
238. J. Przyluski, 'Les Salvasa' Journal Asiatique (1929), pp. 312-325.
239. J. Przyluski, N. p. 4.
240. XIV, 2, p. 119; XIV, 27, p. 122.
241. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 107.
242. See Ibid., p. 112;
Also See N.L. De in JJ. II, 131, who connects them with Media or
'mad'and its division Azerbijan which resolves into Airya'ia-vija (Aryan
seed) from its Avestan name Aryavaijam.
243. B.C. Law, Tg. p.54. Also see H.C. Ray, LJ. (New Series, Vol.
XVIII, 1922, No. 4).
244. Vg. II., p. 123.
245. Altindisches Leben, p. 102.
246. 111,7, 1.
247. BrhadaranyakaUpanisad, III. 3, 1; 7, 1.
248. VIII, 14.3
249. Altindisches Leben, p. 102.
250. Vg. II, p. 123.
251. VII, 3, 13.
252. Brhatsamhita, 14.22 :
n
253. Ibid., 14-27 (Vs.24-27) : Rcfr
n
254. Ramayana (Griffith's translation), Additional Notes, p. 43.
255. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 55.
256. Smith, Gx. p. 302.
257. V. pp. 549-50.
258. Cunningham, Sz. p. 185 ; see also Ibid., pp. 5-6.
259. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 116.
260. Mahabharata, VIII, 44.17 :
It
261. Cunningham, Sz. p. 180.
262. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 115 ;
Milinda Panho, pp. 1, 2.
263. Ibid.
264. In the Sutra, IV.2.75.
265. 11.32 : ^T; STT^H 1 *^ ^sJTw|j ^^g^HT I
266. Kalingabodhi Jataka (Fausboll),No. 479;
Kusa Jataka (Fausboll) No. 531, vide Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1
p. 114.
267. Mahabharata, I, 1229, ff. vide Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 113,
f.n. 116.
268. Mahabharata, Udyogaparvan, chaps. 8 and 19 ; Dronaparvan,
chap. 103 ; Bhlsmaparvan , chaps. 51, 105-6 ; Karnaparvan, chaps.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
187
5-6, Vide B. C. Law, Tg. p. 58.
269. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 54.
270. 2, 3, 17.
271. 114,41.
272. Ibid., 208, 5.
273. Shama Shastri (ed.), p. 455.
274. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 57.
275. See Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 pp. 112-113.
276. Ibid., f. n. 2, pp. 56-57.
277. Adiparvan, chap. 113 ; (Zy.) 1 f.n. 4, p. 113, f. n. 116.
278. N. L. Dey, NX. p. 49.
279. II. 294.
280. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 117.
281. Patafijali, II, 298 ; IJ. VI.128-36. Patanaprastha is the same as
Paithan or Pathankot situated at the entrance of the Kangra valley.
Vide, Ibid, f. n. 1, p. 117, f. n. 7.
282. Mahabharata, XII, 65.
283. Ibid., 207 ; Robert Shafer ; Kx. p. 143.
284. Mahabharata, VIII. 40.21 ff.
285. Ibid., VIII.40.28.
286. Ibid., 40.28, 41 : ^fr IT T tf^T* *?$* *nTR% I
287. VIU.1531, RajataranginI II, p. 120. Also see" H. C. Ray in LJ.
XVIII, 1922, p. 257.
288. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 pp. 113-14.
289. Mahabharata, Vanaparvan, chaps. 291-8, pp. 509-23, Maharaja
of Burdwan's Edition.
290. Mahabharata, IV. 8, 3-4.
T3T?f
: 5TTT
291. S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 116.
292. No. I, L. 17 :
293. U.I. 1915, pp. 138-40. (Dx.) 1 p. 87.
294. Fleet, (Dx.) 1 Introduction, pp. 65-68.
295. UJ. 1914, p. 414.
296. Ibid., p. 747.
297. GJ. Vol. XXVII, p. 15 ff :
298. Cf. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 144 ; Shafer takes Malava literally
the sense of 'horse-keeper'.
299. GJ. Vol. 27, No. 4, p. 16, L. 11 :
188 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
"When five hundred and twenty four years, announcing the fame
of the race of the Malavas, as pure as the rays of autumnal moon, had
elapsed one after another."
300. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 p. 111.
301. Brhatsarhhita, XIV. v.27, p. 122 :
It is possible that Madras and Malavas were sons from different wives
of the same king. Later on the kingdom might have been divided in
between them. So they were living adjacently but became indepen-
dent people.
302. D. C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 265-66, note 4.
303. R. C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 142.
304. Ibid.,
305. D. C. Sircar, Hz. p. 169, note 6 ;
B.C. Law, Tg. pp. 60-61.
306. Ibid., p. 91, note 6 ; HJ. Vol. XX, p. 404.
307. Law, Tg. p. 62.
308. Buddha Prakash. (Zy) 1 , p. 111.
309. Ibid. f. n. 1, p. 65.
310. Agrawala, Jy. p. 455.
M. R. Singh, MX. pp. 369-70.
311. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 60; M. R. Singh, MX. p. 370 : In the Maha-
bharata, the name Ksudraka-Malava occurs in a single appellation for
more than half a dozen times.
312. IV.1.68.
313. Dronaparvan, chap. 10, p. 17.
314. Sabhaparvan, chap. 32, p. 7.
315. B. C. Law, Tg. p. 62.
316. CJ. Vol. VI, 1871-3, pp. 72 ff. as quoted by Law.
317. R. K. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 24-25 ;
GJ. Vol. VIII, p. 44.
318. Bhagavata XII, 1, 36 ; Visnu, Bk. II, Chap. Ill ; Brahmanda,
Chap. XIX, Sloka 17.
319. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 144 ; Pargiter, Kg. pp. 54-55.
320. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 111.
321. The Ramayana (Kisk. Kanda, Canto XLII). See Law, Tg.
p. 63, f. n. 2.
322. Vanga Lauhityat purvena/ ...... /Avantika Ujjayini desa bhavah/
ta evapara Malavyah.
323. He places Vanga to the east of the Lauhitya,
324. JJ. XIX 'Yadavaprakasa' on the Ancient Geography of India,
p. 222 : Kavyamlmamsa, ed. T. G. Sastri, p. 9.
325. Mookerji, Ag. p. 25 ; Also see Hz. p. 91, note 6 : Tg. p. 64 for
Western and Eastern Malava.
326. M. R. Singh, MX. p. 371 ; GJ. V. p. 299.
327. Law, Tg. p. 64.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
189
328. M.K. Sharan, Sg. p. 174. For Malava Coins : See D. C. Sircar,
Mz. pp. 204-208 and M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 181-214.
329. Law, Tg. p. 64.
330. Ibid., p. 65.
331. Ibid.
332. D. C. Sircar, Hz. p. 309, f. n. 3.
333. R. C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 163.
334. D. C. Sircar, Ly. p. 203:
Cf. Upendra Thakur, Pg. pp. 65-70.
335. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 12, f. n. 1.
336. Ibid. p. 23.
337. Fz. p. 837, col. 3.
338. i-i
II. 53-8. qr
339. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 24.
340. Vg. Vol. II, p. 181.
341. iii, 2, 1.24.
342. iii, 2.1.23.
343. Weber, My. 180; Cf. Keith, Aitareya Aranyaka, 179, 180, 196.
344. F.E. Pargiter, M. p. 235.
345. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 132, HJ. XX.p. 374.
346. VI. 9.65.
347. Mahabharata (Gita Press) Karna Parva, 45/25 :
*r?r
348. Ibid., 40/42-43.
r: fa^frftrr snf
i 142U
349. Ibib., 45/36-37.
350. II. 32.16; II. 34.10 :
351. Mahabharata (edn. by M.M. Haridas Siddhantabagis, Calcutta),
VII, 80, 42, cf. 1, 72, 15, 15; (Bangavasi edn.) VI, 9, 65.
352. 7/149:
I
See Burnell's Translation p. 166 note 7. Mlecchas literally
barbarians.
353. Manu-smrti (ed. Haragovind Sastri) 3/9. p. 101.
354. Ibid., 10-45.
355. B.C. Sircar, Oz. (edn. 1971) p .67.
190
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
356. Ibid., p. 277; Varaha Purana 140/4-5
357. 2/10/20 ; $<fT: frTm^Tsfar^T ^fcMT
358. XIV, 21:
ii
359. XVI, II.
360. Ibid., 35.
361. S. Beal, Gg. p. 57.
362. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 133.
363. C.H. Tawney's English Translation, I, p. 151.
364. Ibid., II, p. 564.
365. VIII, 2762-64; XI, p. 217; Cf. Harivamsa, 11, 57, 20
366. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 132-33.
367. GJ. XVIII, p. 101, verse 4.
368. GJ. XXV, p. 222, verse 18; GJ. XXVI, p. 92; GJ., XII. p. 200.
369. Og. The Unadi Suffixes, p. 234 :
<r /3/55
i
370. B.C. Sircar, Oz. (edn. 1971), pp. 83-84.
371. t^-TTf-TTTTf-^Wit^TTf^^- |
372. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 94, note I.
373. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , No. 28, L. 6, p. 127.
374. Ibid., No. 29, L. 6 p. 131; No. 31, L. 6 p. 136.
375. HJ. pp. 192, 257-60.
Also See M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 109-10.
376. R.K. Mooker ji, Ag. p. 28.
377. GJ. XIV, 292.
378. J. Allan, Z. p. XXIX.
379. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 136, note, 2.
380. NJ. XVIII, p. 210.
381. IV, 26. Lampakastu Marundah syuh.
382. The V aijayantl of Yadavaprakas'a, ed. by Gustav Oppert, p. 37,
V. 25.
383. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 93
384. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 26.
385. Kavyamlmamsa, 94. See Yadavaprakasa on the Ancient Geography
of India, JJ. XIX, p. 214.
386. Prakrit and Non-Aryan strata in the Vocabulary of Sanskrit, Kz.
pp. 65-71 : Prof. Woolner provides us with a large number of words of
non-Aryan origin.
387. Me. Crindle, Qy. pp. 215-6.
See Law, Tg. p. 93.
388. B.C. Law, Tg. p. 93.
389. M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 109-110.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
191
390. We know of a town named Morinda in Punjab which has some
resemblance with the word Murunda and it may point out that the
Murundas sometimes resided there.
391. M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 109-10.
392. UJ. 1897, p. 892.
393. JJ. Vol. 1, p. 288.
394. Law, Tg. p. 95.
395. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 93.
396. R. Shamasastri, Kautilya Arthasastra, III, 72, p. 194.
397. No. 13.
398. No. 13, LL. 10-11 :
(fa)
399. I. p. 45 ; (Dx) 1 , p. 55, note 2).
Fleet certifies the reading Pusyamitra, which is the correct form
.according to Prof. Weber also (Sanskrit Literature, p. 223, n. 237).
Jagannath in his article 'The Pusyamitras of Bhitari Pillar Inscription'
JJ. Vol. 22, No. 4, Dec. 1946, p. 112, writes :
"I have myself examined the inscription on the original stone, and
in my opinion while the first syllable may be l pu* or ';>K', the next
syllable cannot be 'dhya'.
Over the subscript >' there are clear traces of a square form. It is not
cylindrical, in shape, as would be the form of 'dh*. It can only be '/?' or
V. But as '/>' makes an impossible word 'pupya' the choice is evidently
restricted to V and we get 'pusycf. Mr. Divekar's suggestion is thus
disposed of.
We also know of the early king Pusyamitra Sunga, a brahmana,
.general of Brhadratha the Mauryan king who was a contemporary of
Patafijali (Fleet, (Dx) 1 p. 55, note 2) which bears out the Prakrit form
'Pusamitta' in the passages given by Dr. Biihler from the Prakrit Gathas
<HJ. Vol. II, p. 362 f).
400. HJ. 1889, p. 228.
401. Gx. p. 326.
402. UJ. 1909, p. 126.
403. I. p. 46.
404. JJ. XXL, p. 24f.
405. Ibid., XXII, No. 4, Dec. 1946, p. 113.
406. Ibid., Jagannath, pp. 113-115.
407. No. 13, L. 15 : phfcr SWTW^ *m* Zfrtf tJTT ^f*TcTT I
408. UJ. 1909, p. 126, previously he held that Bhajarka had beaten
fcack Toramana, LJ. 1889, pp. 97-98.
409. IJ., V. p. 407 ff.
410. Wilson's translation of the Vis.nupurana, Vol. IV, pp. 212-13.
411. Ibid., p. 215.
412. JJ. xxn, pp. 115-116 : <$mfrm
'T c rT:^r'<r
192 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
413. HJ. 1889, p. 228.
414. T.I. VolV, pp. 135ff.
415. JJ. Vol. XXII, No. 4, Dec.1946, p. 117, "The Pusyamitras of
the Bhitari Pillar Inscription".
416. See the Appendix No. IV.
417. IJ. Vol. XIII, p. 85; Majumdar, Pg. pp. 17-18.
418. Buddha Prakash, IJ. Vol. XIII, The Political Geography of
India on the eve of Gupta Ascendency', p. 85;
Ghirshman, Ny. p. 296.
419. Xz. p. 1096.
420. R. Ghirshman, Ny. p. 290.
421. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 179.
422. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 17. It is evident that the whole of Persia
was not under Sassanian rule;
R. Ghirshman, Ny. p. 289 : Sassanians, claim themselves to be
the descendants of the Achaemenians (one of the original Persian tribes
from the province of Pars) but the fact has not been proved beyond
doubt. It may be noted that before the Sassanians the Parthians were
ruling over Iran.
423. SeeSahi.
424. IJ. Vol. XIII, pp. 85, 90; R. Ghirshman, Ny. p. 296: We know of
the marriage of Hormizd II, son and successor of Narsah (A.D. 303-9)
with a Kusana princess.
425. Cf. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 19.
426. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 p. 245.
427. D. Sharma, Fx. p. 198, f.n. 40.
428. See the Appendix No. IV.
429. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 177 : 'Sahi, who belonged to (the family of)
the 'Devaputras'.
430. T^pifl- , 4/60 qTTsfhFfar^ft tcf sr^ ?*H<^>T \
431. S.R. Goyal, D. p. 179.
432. SasaSaha : We know that the Vedic Sanskrit and the old Persian
(Avesta) were very nearer to each other and Sanskrit 'so? usually changed
to 'Aa' in Avesta.
433. V.S. Pathak, New Inscriptions from Ajayagadh, DJ. No. I,.
1956-57, p. 48.
434. B.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 266, f.n. 1.
435. No. I, LL., 23-24 :
436. Majumdar, Pg. p. 149.
437. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 17-18, Second Rock Edict, LL. 2-3.
438. Wz. p. 284.
439. HJ. 1902, p. 194.
440. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 150.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 193
441. Brhatsamhita, XIV, Vs. 11, 15, p. 12.
442. J.C. Ghosh, BJ. XIX.
443. V.H. Vader, JJ. II, 345-50.
444. D.P. Mishra, Wj. Vol. I 'The Search for Lanka'.
445. John David., BJ. XXI (1941), Parts. III-IV.
446. JJ., Vol. XXVII, No. I, March 1951 'Lanka', pp. 120-26.
447. Ibid., op. cit., p. 122.
448. III. 47.29.
449. VI. 3.21.
450. XII. 66 :
451. xil. 70 :
452. III. I. 2.26 and ch. 7.52.
453. Fd. by Tawney, I. p. 78, 486, II, p. 442. See also Karpura-Mafijarf,
H.O.S., IV, p. 231.
454. S.B. Chaudhuri, JJ. XXVII, No. I, p. 120.
455. III. 51.23.
456. Walters, Vy. II, p. 233-36.
457. IJ. II, 821.
458. S.B. Chaudhuri, JJ. XXVII, p. 126.
459. HJ. XXII, 29. Cf. The Belava plate of Bhojavarman (v. 14).
460. Ibid., XXII. 73, L. 36.
461. GJ. IV, pp. 278 ff. v. 31.
462. Ibid., XVIII. 52, Vs. 56-60.
463. Ibid., XXV, 245.
464. Ibid., XXI, 243, L. 7.
465. Ibid., XX. 36.
466. O.D.B. Priaulx, Eg. pp. 103 ff.; See Ug. by V.S. Agrawala,
pp. 28-29.
467. HJ. 1919, pp. 195-96.
468. Qy. pp. 247ff.
469. Ig. p. 250.
470. Qy. p. 160, f.n. 1,
471. Travels of Marco Polo, ed. by Yule, II, p. 312.
472. Ibid., p. 314, f.n. 2 cf. Parasamudraka of Arthasastra, the name of
a kind of pearl.
473. S.B. Chaudhuri, JJ. XXVII, p. 127.
474. Sachau, J. Vol. I. p. 209.
475. Fz, p. 1213, col. 3.
476. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 103.
477. (Dx) 1 , p. 14.
478. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p. 27; A.S. Altekar, Pg. pp. 62-63.
479. Ibid., R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 147, GJ. XVI, p. 230 ; LJ. (N.S.)
XIX, p. 337.
480. Cf. A.L. Basham, Qg. pp. 59-60; Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , pp. 116-17.
481. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 60.
482. Ibid., p. 61.
194
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
483. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 175ff. Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudra-
daman I (Saka) year 72( A.D. 150).
484. D.C. Sircar, Hz.[p. 62, f.n.l.
485. A.L. Basham, Qg. pp. 64-65.
486. R.fC. Mookerji, Ag. p. 27.
487. Ibid., p. 64 ; A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 65.
488. P.L. Gupta, A.S. Altekar and A.K. Narain, TJ. xii, pt. II, 1950 ;
S.R. Goyal, D. pp. 223-37.
489. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 65 ; Cf. S.R. Gopal, D. pp. 235-37; Sudhakar
Chattopadhyaya, Mg. pp. 82-84.
490. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 65.
491. Fz. p. 1045, col. 3.
492. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 210.
493. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 224.
494. Strabo, Ox. XV, III, 20.
495. Budhha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 224.
496. Mahabharata, VIII, 40, 25-28 ; VIII, 44,12,13.
497. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 225.
498. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 494.
499. Manu, X.44.
500. A.L. Basham, Qg. p. 142.
501. Fz. p. 1045, col. 3 ; S. B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 114 ; created from
the tail of the cow Kamadhenuas told in many curious legends in the
Ram?yana.
502. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , pp. 117-120.
503. VI.2.125 mentions Kantha-ending place-names ; V.S. Agrawala,
Jy. pp. 70-1.
504. Sten Konow, Dx. Intro, p. 43 ; Dz. pp. 42, 149 ; Panini, IV.2.100 ;
IV.2.103; II.4.20; VI.2.124 ; VI.2.125. Also see for details JJ. XXVII,
Calcutta, March 1951: Some foreign words in ancient Sanskrit literature,
pp. 7-13.
505. Katyayana's Varttika on Panini, 1.1.64 :
Also see for details : JJ. vol. XXVII, Calcutta, March, 1951: Some
foreign words in ancient Sanskrit literature, pp. 8-9.
506. Visnupurana, IV, 3; Vayupurana, ch. 88 ; Brahmandapurana,
<ch. 63 ; M.R. Singh, MX. pp. 92-93.
507. Mahdbharata, VI.75.21.
I
508. Charaka-Samhita, 30.6.
509. Buddha Prakash, (Zy) 1 , p. 247.
510. Ibid., p. 245.
511. Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya, Mg. pp. 91-100.
512. Buddha Prakash, 'Thakura', Central Asiatic Journal, Vol.III
<1957), published in Holland, pp. 220-237 ; Sudhakar Chattopadhyaya,
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 195
Mg. pp. 16-17.
513. H.A. Rose, Px. p. 515.
514. Dx. part I, Introduction, pp. 50-51.
515. Buddha Prakash (Zy.) 1 , p. 245.
516. Fleet, (Dx) 1 . p.24, note I; p. 25.
517. No. I, LL. 22-23.
518. Fleet, (Dx) 1 . pp.22-24.
519. B.C. Law, Tg. p, 356.
520. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 143.
521. JJ. Vol. I, pp. 251-258; see also Majumdar, Pg. p. 141, f.n.2; p.132
f.n. 1.
522. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 144; See Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 25.
523. D.R. Bhandarkar, JJ. Vol. I, p.258.
524. See the Inscription, Fleet, (Dx) 1 . pp. 24-25.
525. For Chagalaga, see p. 46.
526. No. 20, LL. 1-2.
Cf. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 184.
527. Cf. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 94, p. 184; Agrawala, Jy. p. 449.
528. Ramayana, II, 68, Vs. 18-19; "They went through the Valhika
country to Mount Sudaman, viewing Visnupada and also the Vipasa and
Salmali":
f^T5Tt
529. MJ. Vol. X, pp. 86ff.
530. We have some passages from the Karnaparvan (Ch. 44) of the
Mahabharata:
?TPT
531. Kamasutra V/23 and V/26; Kavya-Mlmarhsa, Chap' XVII, see in
the description of the Uttarapatha;
S.B. Chaudhuri,Jx. pp. 117-18, see also p. 117, f.n.3; IJ. Vol. VI, 128-36;
D.C. Sircar, Ox. p. 186; B.C. Law, Tg. p, 71.
532. Mahabharata, Karnaparvan (ch.44), v. 10 :
196 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
\\
533. B.C. Sircar,Oz. pp. 186-87.
534. B.C. Law,Tg. p. 71.
535. Robert Shafer, Kx. p. 141; Buddha Prakash (Zy) 1 , p. 243.
536. Buddha Prakash (Zy) 1 , p. 243.
537. Mahabharata, Karnaparavan, Ch. 44, v. 7:
n
538. No. 20, L.2:
539. V.S. Agrawala, Jy, p 449.
540. Ry. K.D. Bajpai, 'Identification of Vanga and Vahlika in the
Meharauli Iron Pillar Inscription' p. 360.
541. No. 20, L.2
542. V. 22, 5.7.9.
543. Bloomfield, ly. p.446.
544. Vg. Vol. II, p.63.
545. xii, 9,3,3.
546. Vg. Vol. II, p.64.
547. V,23,9; 149,27; UJ. 1910, p.52; vide S.B. Chaudhuhi Jx. p. 110.
548. Ramayana, vii, 103, 7,21,22, Cf. Linga Purana, Pt. I, ch, 65.
549. Jx. p. 110; M.R. Singh, MX. pp. 123-24, see also H.C. Raychaud-
huri, Az. (edn. 1972), p. 23
550. Zur Litteratur aid Geschichte des Weda, 41.
551. Indische Studien, I, 205; Proceedings of the Berlin Academy,
1892, pp. 985-995.
552. Altindisches Leb?n, 431-33. Cf. Whitney, Rg. p.260; Hopkins, Qx.
p. 373.
553. Vg. Vol. II, p.63.
554. D. C. Sircar, Oz. p. 23 : ^r^t^r *flT*T*r
555. Ibid., p. 71:
556. Saktisangama Tantra, Book III, Chapter 7 :
: n
Vide, D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 77.
557. Udyogaparvan: Of the Vahlika being famous for horses and the
account given of Arjuna's digvijaya (sabhaparvan).
558. B.C. Law, Tg. p.70.
559. In his Varttika on Panini, IV. 2.99.
560. Shama Shastri, 1st edn., p. 79.
561. Sometimes the Ramayana places it in the West.
562. Cf. Arthasastra of Kautilya, ed. Shama Shastri, 1st edn., p. 79,
f.n. I; M.R. Singh, MX. p. 123,
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
563. Visnu-Purana, IV/20/31 :
197
564. XVII, 48.
565. qrfrfr: 6/162 :
566. Ed. Pancanan Tarkaratna, p. 385.
567. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 109.
568. Kamasutra of Vatsyayana, ed. Pancanan Tarkaratna, p. 371
569. Amara-ko'sa : 2.8.45; 3.3.9; and 3.5.31.
570. Ibid., 2.6.124; 2.9.40 and 3.3.9.
571. T^cHfl- =5T^f m, S^ftO 67-68.
572.
IV.67:
573. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 110:
574. XVI. I, p. 129.
575. Pargiter, M. 256
576. J. Przyluski, N. p.7.
577. Buddha Prakash^Zy) 1 . p. 244; 137-38.
578. M.R. Singh, MX. p. 127
579. S.Beal, U. 1884, I, pp. 44-47.
580. S.B. Chaudhun, Jx. p. 111.
581. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p.25.
582. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 178, L.12.
583. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , pp. 251-52.
584. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 93.
585. FJeet, op. cit., p. 252, L. 1 : zfttzr-TT
586. Alexander Cunningham, Sz. pp. 208-09
587. Ibid.
588. Adiparvan, Ch. 95, verse 76:
589. (Zy.) 1 , pp. 103-05.
590. Sg. pp. 65-71.
591. Fauja Sin^h and L.M. Joshi (Ed.), Hy. Vol. I, p. 180
592. Ibid., p. 179.
593. f^CTT-^rir ifarr for) ^ tint, arsqrq- 20, i-ftv. 44:
594. I. 31.24-28: takes the reading Nrga.
595. 99.18-22: takes the variant reading Mrga.
596. D.C. Sircar, Oz. pp. 252-53.
597. Pargiter, M. p. 264.
198
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
598. Vg. Vol.1, p. 103; S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 91; H.C. Raychaudhuri,
Az. (edn. 1972), pp. 60-61.
599. Vg. Vol.1, p. 103; K.A. Nilakanta Sastri's, Age of The Nandas and
Mauryas, p. 70; Cf. M.K. Sharan, Sg. p.78: Quotation from P.L. Gupta.
600. Dronaparvan 7/18/16; Karnaparvan 8/4/46.
601. Sabhaparvan 2/48/1 3.
602. 1.59.5 : zfttTHfe^T "^PT ^^m *n*ra"Hfr I
B.C. Law, Tg, p.75 f.n. 5: There is no mention in Sorensen's Index to
the Mahabharata of 'Adrija' used as the name of a tribe.
603. V.3.117 : q**f
604. (Zy.) 1 , p. 103.
605. IV. I. 178 :
606. Arthasastra, Ed. R. Shamasastri, 11,35, p. 142; see also f.n.4.
607. XIV, 28. p. 122:
n
VI, 161
608.XVI.22, p.133
609.
610. R.K. Mookerji, Ag. p.25; for the diagram see: M.K. Sharan, Sg.
p. 131.
611. Bearging the Brahml legend "zfHirwr**r *&:"
612. Buddha Prakash, (Zy.) 1 , p. 104.
613. M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 90-91.
614. The reading taken by Sharan and Shobha Mukerji "Yaudheya-
nam Jayamantra-dharanam" is wrong. It should be "Yaudheyanam Jaya-
mantradharanam" See John Allan, X, Introduction, Page, CLii;
Majumdar & Altekar (Ed.) Pg. (edn.) 1967, p.30, note I; Buddha Prakash,
op.cit. p. 104.
615. Shobha Mukerji, Lg. p. 69.
616. M.K. Sharan, op.cit., p.82.
617. Ibid., p.83.
618. Ibid., p.82.
619. Bearing the inscription : zfttqif (t) ^znp^RT (*r)
620. M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 94-95.
621. Ibid., p.95.
622. Xy. p.456, Col. I.
623. R. p. 81.
624. Pg. pp.31-32; M.K. Sharan.Sg. p. 144.
625. Alexander Cunningham, Sz. p. 206.
626. Ibid., p.207.
627. M.K. Sharan, Sg. pp. 133-46.
628. Ibid., pp.96-97: It should be the goddess 'Sasthi' also known as
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
199
Devasena, the consort of Karttikeya. Even on a certain type of coins,
the figure presumed to be of the six-headed Krttika, J.N. Banerjea had
interpreted it to be the figure of a goddess Laksml with aureole round
her head, as quoted by Sharan himself.
629. S.K. Chatterjee, Bharata Mein Arya Aura Anarya, p. 98.
630. Harsacarita (Niranayasagara edn. 1897) p.213; Yz. p.34.
631. J.C. Naranga,Yz. p.34.
632. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (edn. 1972) p. 112.
633. A.L. Basham, Qg. p.98
PART THREE
NAMES OF PLACES, RIVERS AND
MOUNTAINS
Prologue
"Place-names have an abiding interest : historical geographi-
cal, linguistic, and above all, human. They may tell us how
our ancestors lived, and how they looked on life. Place-names
may be picturesque, even poetical, or they may be pedestrian,
even trivial. All are worthy of observation". 1
Their study needs serious scientific investigation. Every
available recorded form must be studied minutely and an ex-
tensive knowledge of many languages and dialects may be
required. Names of cities, castles, countries, towns, villages,
hamlets, roads, lanes, footpaths, mountains, hills, islands, fields,
forests, rivers, lakes and streams can provide us with a wealth
of information about local history, geography, dialects and
phonetic features. We should arrange the recorded forms in a
chronological order and study them keeping in view the similar
instances. We should study the place names by the following
process :
(i) The initial terms and their significance,
(ii) The suffixes and their significance,
(iii) Synthesis of the above results.
By such study of place-names we can peep into the cul-
ture of the past and compare it with the existing culture.
Countries, towns, mountains and rivers are generally
named after discoverers, conquerors, founders and celebrated
men. We must also keep in view the situation of a place, its
surroundings and inhabitants.
The study of place names has received considerable atten-
tion in Western countries specially in Scandinavia, England
and America.
In England the scientific investigation of local nomencla-
ture began in the year 1901 when Walter William Skeat's book
The place-names of Cambridgeshire was published. Skeat
was constantly stimulated and encouraged by the erudite
scholar Henry Bradley. Skeat and Bradley with Sir Allen
204 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Mawer founded in 1923 an English Place-name Society under
the patronage of the British Academy. Scholars, archivists,
librarians, curators, teachers, students and people from other
professions have gladly helped in the work of the society and as
the country surveys have appeared year by year, notable addi-
tions have been made to the knowledge of local archaeology,
history and geography, of regional dialects, past and present. 2
In India 3 , S.K. Chatterji 4 , Sefti Pillar 5 , Krishnapada Gos-
wami 6 , Bhayani 7 and Sandesara 8 have made the studies in this
direction.
H.D. Sankalia 9 classifies the place-names into the following
groups :
I. Place-names after a person, deity, spirit or tribe.
(i) Place-names after a person hero, saint, tribal leader
(ii) Place-names after a deity
(iii) Place-names after a sptrit
(iv) Place-names after tribes or peoples
II. Place-names after an event auspicious occasion, bad
occasion.
III. Place-names after customs and superstitions.
IV. Place-names after geographical and physical features :
(i) Place-names after hills, mountains, mounds or any
elevated place
(ii) Place-names after rivers, streams, lakes and ponds,
(iii) Place-names after forests, deserts, steppes, etc.
V. Place-names after animals, birds and reptiles :
(i) Animals
(ii) Birds
(iii) Reptiles
VI. Place-names after names of existing places.
Chatterji 10 would suggest the following classification :
(i) Place-names from tribes or castes living there originally,
(ii) Place-names from names of natural features,
(iii) Place-names of a religious character,
(iv) Place-names after names of persons or events,
(v) Place-names copied from other place-names.
Actually both the classifications mean the same thing and
represent the general trends of naming the places. Dr. Sankalia
seems to have just simplified and annotated Dr. Chatterji Y
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 205
classification.
It may be pointed out that tradition, particularly as recor-
ded in the Epics and Puranas ascribes the foundation of cities
to particular kings, who are often believed to have given their
name to the respective cities but sometimes it remains in-
consistent with the original statements. This may indicate that
sometimes it was thought that cities could be founded only
by kings ; no other factor was envisaged to be responsible for
the expansion of urbanism a belief which ignores the inter-
play of variables that went into the making of cities. 11
"The analysis which Panini gives of the underlying mean-
ings which relate place-names to human society, shows conclu-
sively that place-names do not originate by mere accident, but
are the outcome of social and historical conditions with which
a community is intimately connected. An etymological app-
roach to the place-names of a country, therefore, introduces us
to many a forgotten chapter of history and ethnography." 12
But Panini 13 also cautions his readers that the etymological
meaning of place-names should not be held authoritative since
the name should vanish when the people leave the place who
gave their name to it.
Panini 14 gives the following ending of place-names :
1. Nagara (IV. 2.142)
2. Pura (IV. 2.122)
3. Grama (IV. 2.142)
4. Kheta (VI. 2.126)
5. Ghosa (VI. 2.85)
(6-9) Kula, Suda, Sthala, Karsa (VI. 2.129)
(10-11) Tira, Rupya (VI. 1.135)
(12-15) Kaccha, Agni, Vaktra, Garta (VI. 2.126)
(16) Palada (IV. 2.142)
(17) Arma (VI. 2.90)
(18) Vaha (IV. 2.122)
(19) Hrada (IV. 2.142)
(20) Prastha (IV. 2.122, IV. 2.110)
(21) Kantha (IV. 2.142)
Panini gives the interesting information that the ending
kantha was in use in Usinara (II.4.20) and Varnu (Bannu)
(IV. 2.103). Kantha was a Saka word fora town as in expression
206 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Kandavara-Kanthavara occurring in a KharosthI inscription. 15
There are also instances when place-names have been very
lengthy. 16
1. The longest place-name in Great Britain has 58 letters
Llanfairpwllgwyngyllgogercychwyrndrobwllllantsysiliogo-
gogoch a railway station on the Holyhead-Euston
line. 17
2. Kardivilliwarrakurrakurrieapparlarndoo 18
This is not a misprint. It is an Australian aboriginal
word. It is the name of a lake in the Northern territory,
and it means 'the starlight shining on the waters of the
lake'. 19
Modern place-names suffixes and prefixes may be divided
into three main categories.
(i) Endings with Sanskrit influence Pura, Pura, Nagara,
Kota, Thala (Sthala), Kunda, Pokhra, Pada, BadI, etc.
(ii) Endings with Persian-Arabic influence : Talaba, Ganja,
(Nawabganj, Daraganja, Vishveshwaraganja), Chaka.
(iii) Vernacular terms added before : Dera, Mohalla,
Basti, etc.
(iv) English:- Colony, town, street, Road, Fountain, Sector,
Block, Enclave, Gate, Bridge, Place and Cantt. (Can-
tonment).
According to the Mahabharata 20 , 'a place must be named
after any of its peculiar features'.
In the Mahabharata 21 'Janapada 1 'Desa' and Rdstra are used
synonymously. 22 Yet in practice, they must differ slightly.
*Desa' means 'a country', province or any patch of land', 'Jana-
pada', a tribal settlement, 23 whereas 'Rastra' is definitely a
political term, denoting 'whatever fell under the jurisdiction
of the sovereignty'.
It will be interesting to note the antiquity of p lace-name
terms. We find Rastra 24 as the oldest right from the Rgveda,
and used for the biggest unit. Its equivalent Janapada came
into being in the Brahmana-period. 25 The Rgveda frequently
refers to tribes viz. the Yadus, the Purus, the Anus etc. who
were residing in particular area without mentioning their terri-
tory, province or kingdom. 26 The ordinary people of a Jana-
pada were called Vis which were divided into gramas or unions
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 207
of many families. So whenever the people of gramas settled they
were termed as gramas (villages) and hence the word Samgrama
came into being when a number of gramas united for a battle.
Every Janapada had a pura or chief city (capital) where the
king resided. Every Janapada was politically named as Rastra. 27
Panini mentions a number of Janapadas in the Astadhyayl. 28
Kautilya also uses the term Janapada for territory as the con-
stituent of State. 29 We find the mention of sixteen Mahajanapadas
of Aryavarta in many places in the Buddhist literature. The
term 'rajya' with its different kinds is referred to in the later
Vedic period i.e. in the Brahmanas.
Later on we find that the connotations of the territorial
units differed from place to place and time to time. Panini men-
tions separately the villages and towns of Eastern India (Pracam
gramanagaranam, VII. 3.14), but with reference to Vahlka and
Udlcya country he uses the term grama in a generic sense to
include all centres of population (IV. 2. 117 and IV. 2. 109).
Patanjali in commenting on the distinctions between the terms
grama and pura remarks that these should not be settled by rules
of grammar but by local usage (tatratinirbandho na labhah,
III.321).
The two terms grama and nagara were used indiscriminately
in the Vahlka country (Punjab) where the villages had also
grown in prosperity like the towns, and hence the word grama
here included nagara also in the connotation. 30
Yajnavalkya 31 uses the term Puga which the Mitaksara
explains as the assembly of the inhabitants of the same place
with different castes and occupations such as village, city etc.
The Amarakosa gives the following words as synonymous,
all standing for town or city : pur, pun, nagari, pattana, puta-
bhedana, sthanlya and nigama^ It also differentiates the
Mulanagara (main city) from the Sakha-nagara (branch
.town). 33
REFERENCES
1. Simeon Potter, Wy. p.151.
2. Ibid., p. 156.
3. H.D. Sankalia,Pz. p.8.
208 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
4. Chatterji, Hg. Vol. I, pp. 64-67, 68, 74 and 179-88.
5. AJ. IV (1939-40), 24-36, V (1940-41), 1-34.
6. RJ. 1943, 1-70.
7. OJ. IV (1942), 119-29.
8. Ibid., V (1943), 148-56, 157-58.
9. H.D. Sankalia,Pz. p. 47.
10. Ibid.,p.47,f.n. I.
11. A. Ghosh,Vz. pp. 43-44.
12. Pz. p.46, f.n. I, V.S. Agrawala,,VJ. XVI, ii.
13. 1/2/55 : zftwmr ^ <R*n%s?*f5f *qTcr i
14. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 65-71.
15. Liiders, UJ. 1934, p. 516, also Sten Konow, DX. p.43; Dz. pp.43,
149, Kantha, "town in feminine gender"
16. H., pp. 1-2.
17. Ibid., p.l, f.n. 1.
18. Ibid., pp. 1-2, f.n.2.
19. Ibid. "Wales and New Zealand have even longer place-names but
the name of the Australian lake shows that aboriginal peoples of Austra-
lia thought by ethnologists to be among the oldest remaining types
of original homosapiens were not behind-hand in inventing words
which, besides having a poetically beautiful meaning, could twist the
tongue of the uninitiated into knots".
20. Mahabharata I, 2-8
zft ^r: *Rn
^R& TTRT 3 t
21. Ibid. I. 102-12, 14.
22.
23. Cf. 'The Genesis of Janapada', NJ. Vol. XLIV. Sep. Dec. 1958,
Part III & IV pp. 204-14.
24. Vg., Vol. II, p. 223.
25. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 273.
26. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 32.
27. See Ibid.
28. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 49-64, 15-16.
29. Arthasastra, p. 18.
30. Agrawala, Jy. p. 65.
The Greek accounts testify to the existence of about five hundred towns,
all rich and prosperous, in the VahTka country, where naturally the old
distinction of grama and nagara must have lost its sharpness as reflected
in the A^tadhyayl.
31. II. 31.
32. Amarakosa, 2/2/1.
33. Ibid., 2/2/2
Place-Names and Their Suffixes
Now we shall arrange the place-names occurring in our
inscriptions with their suffixes and discuss each one of them.
Place-names ending in Rastra
Rastra 1 (from \/raj) :^
It is the oldest and biggest territorial term. In the Rgveda 2
and later Samhitas, 3 it denotes 'kingdom' or 'royal territory*,
It is considered to be one of the Prakrtis (constituents) 4 and
refers to a country. 5 It was the name of a Commissioner's
division under the Rastrakutas. 6 In South India, under the
PalJavas, Kadambas, and Salankayanas also it denotes only
a district, if not a tehsil. 7 The Samaranganasutradhara 8 says
that 'all the rastra including na gar 'a is called desa or mandate
while nagara is excluded in janapada'.
It divides rastras into three kinds :
(i) Big : It consists of nine thousand and ninety villages,
but some scholars say that the nine thousand and sixty
four villages make a big rastra. 9
(ii) Middle : It consists of five thousand, three hundred and
eighty four villages. 10
(iii Small : It consists of one thousand, five hundred and
forty eight villages. 11
It further discusses that seven cities should be established
in each rastra. 12
In place-names rastra is changed into : 13
(a) Ratha, as Maharastra, Maratha
(b) Rat, at Mayarastra, (=Mayarat), Mirat
It also changes into ratta,
Cf. Nagiratta. Walde also derives it
from Vraj-(n.sg. rat)
Sk. rastra : AV. rastar^
210 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
In ancient Indian history extending over several centuries,
we do not find uniformity in the nomenclature of the different
territorial and administrative divisions in the various kingdoms
flourishing in different centuries and provinces. In the small
kingdoms like those of the Pallavas, the Vakatakas and
Gahadavalas we usually find reference to only one territorial
division, the district variously called visaya or rastra. 15
Following are the names with this ending :
1. Devarastra (No. 1, L.20) :
It has been mentioned as ruled by Kubera one of the kings
ruling in Southern Region who were subdued by Samudragupta.
Dey 16 identifies it with the Maratha country (i.e. Maharastra).
Fleet and Smith are also of the same opinion. G. Ramdas
slightly differs from them when he identifies Devarastra with
modern Devagiri in the Dharwar district. 17 According to R.D.
Banerjee 18 Devarastra is the name of a district or province in
Kalinga. B.C. Law 19 identifies it with Yellomanchili taluka of
the Vizagapatam district, which is also the view of H.C. Ray-
chaudhuri, 2 S.B.Chaudhuri, 21 DubreuilandBhandarkar. 22 Th s
view is generally accepted at present. Earlier scholars held that
Samudragupta made a round of the South crossing from the
eastern to the western coast of India. But this involves serious
difficulties about his potential relations with the Vakatakas.
Now, scholars describe southern campaign of Samudragupta
as confined to the eastern coast. Thus it becomes apparent
that Devarastra was conterminous with Kosala (Sirpur). Tam-
ralipti may have been included in Devarastra. 23
2. Mula-Nagiratta(No28,L.2,L.8, L.15) :
L.2 of the inscription mentions a man^ala (sub-division) called
Nagiratta (Nagiratta-mandalika) and later on refers to Mula-
Nagiratta which seems to have been the headquarters of this
mandala. It is clear from the inscription itself that Mula-
Nagiratta was situated in the neighbourhood of Nitva-Gohal!. 24
Mula-Nagiratta literally means 'Nagiratta Proper'. The
word Nagiratta is the Prakritic form of Nagarastra meaning 'a
country of the Nagas'.
3. Surastra (No. 14, L.8, L.9) :
InL .8 Surastra is used in plural 25 while in L.9 it is an adjective
of avani (land). 26 In this inscription great importance has been
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
211
attached to Surastra. After his conquests, Skandagupta
deliberated for days and nights together as to whom should be
entrusted important task of guarding the land of the Surastras. 27
At last he was satisfied by appointing Parnadatta as a governor
over this western 28 region.
Surastra corresponds with Southern Kathiawar with its
Prakrit name Sorath. 29 Literally the name means a good
country. It was so named probably on account of the natural
fertility of the land, Sorath is well known for rich crops of all
kinds, and splendid cattle. 30
Surastra 31 is mentioned in the Junagarh Rock Inscription
of Rudradaman I (A.D. 150). It was governed by Pusyagupta,
under Candragupta Maurya and by a Yavana Tusaspa under
Asoka. 32 The Puranas 33 and the Kavyamlmarhsa 34 mention it
a country in the west while the Brhatsarhhita 35 mentions it
as a country in the South. It may be due to the different
geographical units made by the authors of the Kavyamlmamsa
and the Brhatsamhita.
Under Gupta emperors Bamanasthali (modern Banthali) was
the capital of Surastra, before Valabhi became its capital. 36
The name Surastra also occurs in the Mahabharata, the
Jatakas 37 , and several times in the Ramayana. 38 It is also
mentioned in Patanjali's Mahabhasya. 39 In Kautilya's Arthasas-
tra, Surastras are mentioned as one of the corporations of
warriors who lived by agriculture and trade. 40 According to
the Arthasastra the elephants of Surastra were inferior to those
belonging to Anga and KaJiiiga. 41
In the medieval period, 42 in three directions, Bhavanagar,
Porabandar and Somanath (the famous temple) were the limits
of Surastra.
Place-names ending in Bhukti
Bhukti (from Vbhuj)
Literally it means 'enjoyment' or possession. 43 Bhukti
denoted an administrative division smaller than a modern
Tehsil or Taluka in the Deccan and M.P., but in Northern
India under the Guptas and Pratiharas it denoted a unit as
large as the Commissioner's Division in modern times. 44 Thus
212 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Pratisthanabhukti consisted of only 12 and Kopparakabhukti
of 50 villages in the Deccan under the Rastrakutas, 45 whereas
under the Guptas the Pundravardhanabhukti comprised of the
districts of Dinajpur, Bogra and Rajshahi, and Magadhabhukti
included the districts of GayaandPataliputra. 46 Sravastibhukti
under the Pratiharas included several districts in northern
U.P. 47 The Bhuktis under the Pratihara empire appear to have
been rather Commissioners' Divisions than provinces. 48 Bhukti
is changed intohutias Jejakabhukti, Jejahuti. 49 The unit bhukti
which so often appears in the inscriptions of the Gupta period
as the designation of an administrative unit is not frequently
found in the early medieval period. 50 The mention of a
Nagara-bhukti is also made in Deo-Baranark Inscription of
Jivitagupta II. 51
We find only one place name with the suffix bhukti which
is detailed below:
Pundravardhana (No. 28, L.I; No. 33, LL .1-2; No. 34,
L. 2 ; No. 35, L.2; No. 36, L. 2;- No. 37, L. 2; No. 43,
L. 14) :
This bhukti is mentioned in the Gupta epigraphs ranging
from the years 124 to 224 of the Gupta era, i.e. from A.D. 443
to 543. It formed an integral part of Gupta empire during this
period. According to Inscription No. 37, a noble man (kula-
putra) Amrtadeva by name belonging to Ayodhya approached
the local government of Kotivarsa of which Svyambhudeva
was the governor, under the provincial government of Pundra-
vardhana-bhukti, during the reign of Bhanugupta, and prayed
that he might be given, by means of a copper-plate document
in accordance with the prevailing custom, some rent-free
waste lands. His prayer was granted.
General Cunningham 52 identifies Pundravardhana with the
extensive ruins known as 'Mahasthangarh', 8 miles north of
the town of Bogra. The river Karatoya was the dividing line
between Pundravardhana-bhukti and Kamarupa. 53 According
to Wilson, the ancient kingdom of PundradeSa included the
districts of Rajshahi, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Malda, Bogra and
Tirhut. 54 It seems to have been the biggest administrative
division or province of the Gupta empire, divided into several
visayas and mandalas of which twenty-four 55 are mentioned
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
213
in known epigraphs. In short Pundravardhana signified North
Bengal
Pundravardhana, as the name suggests, was a settlement of
the Pundras. 56 The first reference to the Pundras is found in
the Aitareya Brahmana. 57 The earliest literary reference to
Pundravardhana is to be traced in the Buddhist work, the
Divyavadana, where it is mentioned as the easternmost city of
India. 58 The Paundra country is mentioned also in the Brhat-
sarhhita, 59 as situated in the east. 60 The Kavyamlmamsa also
mentions it as a Janapada in the east. In the inscriptions of
Bengal the name Pundravardhana was changed into Paundra-
vardhana in the early part of the 12th century, when it occurs
first in the Manahali grant of Madanapala and remained in use
till the end of the Sena rule. The Rajataranginl mentions
Pundravardhana as the capital of Gauda which is also proved
by a reference in Purusottama's lexicon (llth century A.D.) 61
The city lost its importance from the third quarter of the
12th century A.D. as the later Sena kings shifted their capital
to Gauda in the Malda district. Towards the end of the 13th
or the beginning of the 14th century A.D. Pundravardhana was
occupied by the Muhammedans. 62
Place-names ending in Visaya
Visaya
According to Monier Williams it means a dominion, king-
dom, territory, region, district, country, or abode and in plural
it meant lands or possessions. 63 In the Astadhyayl 64 it denotes
regions or provinces, called after their inhabitants, e.g. Saiba,
the region of the Sibis ; Malavaka, the region of the Malava
people; Rajanyaka, of the Rajanya tribe and so forth. 'The
names according to Visaya seem to be based on the ethnic
distribution of population over particular areas for the time
being without reference to the form of government'. 65
The word Visaya in the sutra Visayo dese 66 is significant.
Jainendra, Sakatayana and Hemacandra take it as rastra, and
Vardhamana as Janapada. The Kasika takes it as grama-samu-
daya. Katayayana and Patanjali interpret Visaya as being
identical with Janapada in some cases, but their comments
give the impression that even such geographical units as were
214 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
not a janapada were called Visaya. 67
If Visaya and Janapada had been identical, Panini would
not have treated the former under a separate heading. 68 A
Visaya denoted both a bigger unit having the status of a
Janapada, and a smaller area which was but an estate. In the
Rajanyadi gana, visaya denotes janapadas, while in the
Bhauriki and Aisukari ganas, 69 it is landed property, the share
of estate which was the source of livelihood.
In the post-paninian period, distinction between Janapada
and visaya was lost, both being called by the same names, for
example Angah, Vangah, Sumhah, and Pundrah. In some Jana-
padas like Rajanya, the distinction was retained, as Rajanyaka
denoted a visaya and Rajanyah, the Janapada of the Rajanya
tribe. Similarly we have Vasatah, Vasatayah ; Gandharah,
Gandharayah ; and Saibah, Sibiyah. Other smaller units were
only visayas or estates like Bailvavanaka, Atmakameyaka,
Bhaurikavidha and Aisukari-bhakta. 70
The visaya usually corresponded with the district of the
modern administration. 71 Minor bhuktis, mandalas and the
visayas were used to denote the same administrative division
in many cases. 72 The district administration was well organised
in the Gupta period. Some of the land-grant charters bear the
seals of the district administration. 73 Sealings of the district
administration of Rajagrha and Gay a have been found at
Nalanda, showing that their correspondence to outsiders bore
the impress of their official seals. 74
We have the following place-names ending in Visaya :
I. Gaya (No. 21, L. 7) :
A village named Revatika belonging to the Gaya visaya
was granted as an agrahara to a brahmana, ostensibly by
Samudragupta. 75 Gaya is at present headquarters of the
Gaya district, 60 miles due south of Patna. It comprises the
modern town of Sahebganj on the northern side and the
ancient town of Gaya on the southern side. 76 Much has been
written on Gaya, 77 all of which is not possible to discuss
here. We will confine ourselves to the origin of the name Gaya
and the importance of Gaya.
In the Rgveda Gaya is a proper name applied to a com-
posex of hymns. 78 In the Atharvaveda 79 Gaya appears to be a
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 215
wonder-worder or sorcerer along with Asita and Kasyapa who
later on transformed himself into Gayasura. 80 According to
the Vayu Purana, 81 the city was named Gaya after an A sura,
Gaya by name (Gayasura). Visnu killed this demon but
granted him a boon that this city would be held highly sacred.
According to R.L. Mitra, 82 this story is an allegorical repre-
sentation of the expulsion of Buddhism from Gaya which
was the headquarters of the Buddhist faith. Aurnavabha in ex-
plaining 'idam Visnur-vi Cakrame tredha nidadhe padam' 83
in the Nirukta 84 holds that the three steps of Visnu were placed
on Samarohana, Visnupada and Gayasiras. The Mahabharata
(III. 95 and VII. 64) describes the performance of sacrifices by
Gaya 85 references to which 86 are also found in the Rama-
yana, 87 Bhagavata Purana 88 Brahmanda Purana, 89 Agni
Purana, 90 Visnu Purana, 91 Vamana Purana, 92 etc. Asvaghosa's
Buddhacarita 93 (I or II cent. A.D.) speaks of the Buddha's
visit to the hermitage called 'the city of the royal sage Gaya',
who was later conceived as a great giant. 94
We can find evidence of the importance of Gaya growing
in the period subsequent to A.D. 750. At Gaya while we have
only one inscription belonging to the Gupta period, we get
numerous inscriptions belonging to the Pala period. 95 But
these records are of not much use for the history of the town,
they simply show that till the end of the twelfth century A.D.
it was under the Palas. 96
The city played no major role in politics at any period of
history but it was certainly a centre of religious movements of
Buddhist and the Brahmanical Hindus. 97 Gaya which was the
headquarters of Buddhist faith passed to the Hindus between
the second and fourth centuries of the Christian era and by
A.D. 637 when Hiuen Tsang visited the city it had become a
thriving centre of Hindu Brahmanical religion. 98
The religious importance of Gaya is met with in the Maha-
bharata, 99 Ramayana 100 and Puranas. 101 The Gaya has a
special religious importance with reference to the Sraddha cere-
mony. 102
2. Khad(ta)pardW* (No. 29, L. 7) :
The inscription came from a place Dhanaidaha in the Katore
subdivision of the Rajashahi district (in Pundravardhana). 10 ^
216 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
So this visaya may be assigned to the Pun^ravardhana bhukti.
The name of the district cannot be read with certainty. Sen 105
suggests three readings : Maha-Khushapara, Khada(ta) para, or
Khusaspara. Banerji gives the reading 'Maha-khusapara. 106
3. Kotivarsa (No 34, L.3;No.35,L.3;No.36,L.3;No.37,L.3):
It has been described as a visaya under Pundravardhana-bhukti.
This reference clearly shows that the size of a visaya was small-
.er than that of a bhukti. The visaya of Kotivarsa occurs frequ-
ently in the epigraphic records of the Palas and Senas. 107 It
seems to have comprised the southern part of the Dinajpur
district, the northern portion of Rajashahi and probabJy also
,the eastern tracts of the Bogra district. 108 Its head-quarters was
Diw-kot (Devakota or Devlkota). 109 Yadavaprakasa identifies
Kotivarsa with Devikotta. 110 The Vayu Purana also refers to a
city of the name of Kotivarsa. 111
The Prakrit lexicon Paia-sadda-mahannavo describes it as
the capital of Lata country. 112 The name is known to the Jain
Prajnapana in which it is placed in Ladha or Lata. 113
Hemacandra 114 says that Kotivarsa, Banapura, Devlkota,
Umavana and Sonitapura are identical. Purusottama 115 agrees
with Hemacandra with the only difference that he mentions
Usavana in place of Umavana. Banapura is represented by
Bangarh in the Dinajpur district, which still preserves the exten-
sive ruins of a citadel known as Damdamah said to have been
the fort of Devlkota associated with the exploits of the mythi-
cal king Bana. 116 Diw-kota or Devlkota (wrongly read as Dihi-
kota in the A-In-i-Akban) was a mahal under the Sarkar of
LakhnautI (Laksanavati). 117
The termination varsa is significant. It denotes a division
of the earth as separated off by mountain ranges. 118 From the
Puranas we know of such names as Harivarsa, Kirhpurusa-
Varsa and Bharata- Varsa. 119 Varsam in Panini 120 means the
rainy season. We know that rains are connected with the moun-
tains. So originally the divisions might have been made accord-
ing to the rains in different areas. Rains being very important
for agriculture affect the inhabitants of a certain area through-
out the year. Later on the semantic development of the word
came to denote a year. In India the seasons have been regard-
ed to be important and hence they had often been used to
4N THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 217
denote the year. 121
4. Krmila (No. 40, L. 5) :
The Visaya or district of Krmila also spelt as Krimila is mention-
ed in inscription No. 40. According to D.C. Sircar "as the
charter is spurious and seems to have been forged a few centu-
ries after Samudragupta's time, it may or may not prove the
existence of a visaya and therefore of a city of the above name
in the fourth century. 122 But certain old seals found at Nalanda
prove the existence of Krmila before the Pala occupation of
Bihar. 123 The village Kavala in the Krimilavisaya known from
one such seal can be identified with modern Kawali not far
from Valgudar. 124 The visaya or district of Krmila is also men-
tioned in the records of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar. 125
According to a tradition recorded in the Harivariisa, 126
Vayu Purana 127 and the Brahmanda Purana 128 Krmi, the son
of king USlnara of the Puru dynasty, born of his second queen
Krmi, was the lord of Krmilapuri. 129
In the Buddhist literature, we get various forms for the city
of Krmila : Kimila, Kimmila and Kimbila. The name of an
inhabitant of the city is given as Kimila, Kimmila or Kimbila.
Malalasekera 130 recognises the spellings Kimila or Kimbila and
Kimila or Kimbila, but prefers the forms Kimbila and Kimbila.
Kimila can be the Pali form of Sanskrit Krmila (or Krimila),
and Kimmila can be derived from the other Sanskrit variant
Kirmila. 131 Two Suttas, the Kimilasutta and Kimilasutta, were
preached by the Buddha when he was camping at the city of
Kimila (Krmila) said to have been situated on the bank of the
Ganga . The river is now at a short distance from the villages
of Valgudar and Rajauna, on the site of which the ancient city
stood. 332
M.S. Pandey 133 opposes the identification of Krmila with
Valgudar on the ground that there is not sufficient evidence
to prove this identification. Though Krmila is not referred to
in early Pali literature, we find a city named Krmila mention-
ed in the Anguttara Nikaya Commentary. 134 According to this
commentary, the city stood on the bank of the Ganga. But
now-a-days, the Ganga flows at some distance from this region
which may be due to a change in the course of the river dur-
ing so many centuries. The city was not very important and
may have gradually disappeared. At present we do not find
218 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
any traces of the city : it may have been washed away by the
Ganga. According to Pandey 135 the name of the modern villa-
ge Kiul has some resemblance with the name Krmila and it is
not unlikely that the city may have been somewhere in that
locality.
Sircar is himself not sure about the identification of Krmila
with Valgudar 136 and seems to prefer the claim of modern
Kawali not being far from Valgudar Krmila. 137 But in the
district Gazetteer of Monghyr it is the village of Kiul which
is mentioned and not Kawali. Hence we prefer the view of
Dr. Pandey.
The word Krmila means "a fruitful woman" or "a place
full of worms" and the word Krmi forming its first part is
sometimes also written as Krimi. 138
5. Lata (No. 17, L. 3)
The district or visaya of Lata is here described as "pleasing
with choice trees that are bowed down by the weight of (their)
flowers, and with temples and assembly-halls of the gods, and
with viharas, (and) the mountains of which are covered over
with vegetation".
The country south of MahT or at times south of the Nar-
bada up to the Purva or so far as Daman, was called Lata and
'it corresponded roughly with Southern Gujarat'. 140 It comp-
rised the collectorates of Surat, Bharoch, Kheda and parts of
Baroda territory. 141
According to Prof. Buhler, Lata is Central Gujarat, the
district between the Mahi and Kim rivers and its chief city was
Broach. 142 Lata has been identified with Central and Southern
Gujarat in the Rewah Stone Inscription of Karna. 143 We also
find the Lata kingdom mentioned in other epigraphical reco-
rds. 144 Latarastra 145 is identical with the old Lata kingdom of
Gujarat, the capital city of which is stated in the DIpavarhsa to
have been Sirhapura (Slhapura). 146 In the early days of the
imperial Guptas, the Lata country was formed into an admini-
strative province in the Latavisaya. 147 The Saktisangam Tantra
places the Lata country to the west of Avanti and to the north-
west ofVidarbha. 148
Lata is the same as the Larike of Ptolemy which lay to the
east of Indo-Scythia along the sea-coast. 149 The word Lata is
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
219
derived from Sanskrit Rastra. 150 The Nagara brahmanas of
Lata (Gujarat) are said to have invented the Nagarl character
which is believed to have been derived from the Brahml alpha-
bet. 151
6. Vaivyatt* (No. 40, L. 4) :
In this inscription the visaya of Vaivya is mentioned. The word
Vaivya is inexplicable. We may, however, suggest that the term
was possibly derived from Prakrit Vevva 153 which means 'fear*
and hence Vaivya would mean 'fearful' or 'dreadful*.
Place-names ending in Mandala
Mandala
Mandala is a territorial unit which is found in the inscriptions
of many dynasties of the early medieval period. Originally it
denoted in the Arthasastra and other legal texts, 154 a diploma-
tic circle of twelve neighbouring kings, some friendly and
others unfriendly, in relation to a king desirous of conquest.
The term could also be used for the territory under the posse-
ssion of a feudatory. But in the Gupta period mandala is used
for some kind of administrative division though in early medie-
val period its use was in feudalistic association. 155 In Calukyan
records, the governor of a mandala was usually called a Mand-
alesvara or Mahamandalesvara. 156 In the records of the Impe-
rial Guptas it denoted a unit smaller than a Vlthl. 157 Literally
meaning a circle or round it denotes a district, province, coun-
try in general or it may signify a surrounding district or neigh-
bouring state. 158
1. Nagirattamandala (No. 28, LL. 1-2) :
Nagirattamandala formed a part of Daksinamsakavlthi in
Pundravardhana, the headquarters of the province of the same
name. Mula-Nagiratta seems to have formed the headquarters
of the Nagirattamandala 159 Nagiratta is a Prakritic form of
Nagarastra.
2. Uttaramandala (No. 52, L. 7) :
Literally it means 'the Northern Mandala'. The province might
have been divided into four mandates in the four directions
from the point of view of administration. The village Kanteda-
daka is described to have formed a part of the Uttaramandala
as mentioned in the record. 160
220 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Place-names with the suffix Pradesa
Pradesa
'Fleet translates it as 'place' 161 but the term has a speci-
fic use as an administrative division. Here it connotes a divi-
sion 162 or may correspond with the word visaya used in the
~same context in the Eran Stone Boar Inscription of Tora-
mana. 163 In modern usage pradesa signifies a province.
In our inscriptions we find only one place-name termed as
Pradesa.
Airikina (No. 2, L. 25) :
It has been described here as the bhoga-nagara of the king (sva-
bhoga-nagara). 164 In this context the use of the phrase 'Sva-
bhoganagara' is important. K.P. Jayaswal 165 interprets 'svabho-
ganagara' as a town that had, since the victory scored by the
Gupta king at Eran, become his direct personal possession.
Fleet translates it as 'the city of his own enjoyment'. 166
Dasaratha Sharma 167 explains it as analogous to the word
'Ekabhoga' defined in the Manasara as a town or village inha-
bited by a single land-holder along with his dependants. 168 It
is 'Svabhoga'forthe master and 'Ekabhoga' for others'. Sharma
connects this 'Svabhoga' with a feudatory 'who lived therein
with his family and dependants, and on whom Samudragupta,
pleased by his 'devotion', policy, and valour' conferred the litle
of Rajan and the accompanying glories of consecration, etc.
described in verse 4. 169 But Sharma seems to be incorrect in
associating the inscription with a feudatory, the inscription
belongs to Samudragupta himself which is clear by further
description in subsequent verses. 170 No doubt in the Eran
Stone Boar Inscription of Toramana 171 the word 'sva-visaya'
an adjectival clause of Airikina is used to refer to a feudatory,
which is very clear from the inscription.
The editor 172 also, following Sharma, is misled and ex-
plains the term 'Svabhoga' as implying a grant, or something
like it by the governor of the province, who had for his own
salary the revenues of the city of Airikina allotted to him. 173
But the term 'Svabhoganagara' is significant in connoting royal
status, higher than that of a feudatory chief and can mean
'the capital city' where the king himself was residing. In con-
trast, in the Earn Stone Boar Inscription of Toramana 174 the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 221'-
term 'Sva-visaya' has been used for the feudatory Dhanyavisnu
(of king Toramana) who may have been a visayapati, the ad-
ministrator-incharge of Eran.
Airikina is the same as modern Eran, the ancient Airikina,
a village on the left bank of the Bina, in Sagar District of
Madhya Pradesh. From the Copper Coins of the Asokan
period found at Eran, we get an earlier Pali or Prakrit form
of the name which is Erakana or Erakana or Erakana. 175 It
is thus clear that Erakana or Erakana is the simplified form of
Erikina : to simplify still more the medial letter 'k' has been
dropped by the process of elision. 176 The meaning of the word
Erikina is a puzzle but its connexion with eraka 'a kind of
grass, 177 found in that area may be accepted as a hypothesis.
Place-names ending in Desa
Desa
It means a province, country, kingdom. 178 Sometimes it is
used as a technical territorial term. But its exact meaning
and bearing are difficult to explain due to the fact that
sometimes it is described as bigger and at others smaller
than other geographical divisions, such as mandala, rastra and
visaya. 179 We find only one reference each in the Brahmanas 180
and the Vajasaneyl Samhita. 181 The passage in the Vajasaneyl
Samhita is significant in as much as here for the first time,
desa is used in the sense of a 'country'. We find a refer-
ence to the river Sarasvati as flowing in the Madhyadesa or
'Middle Country'. The term was much in vogue in the
Upanisad and Sutra period denoting therein the meaning
'land'.
1. Mleccha-desa (No. 14, L. 4) :
There is a mention of the Mleccha countries in the Junagarh
Rock Inscription of Skandagupta (No. 14). But the record
does not refer to any boundary of the Mlecchas. 182
2. Sukuli-desa (No. 5, L. 4) :
It will literally mean 'a country possessing noble families in it'.
It seems to have been a place near Sane! in Madhya Pradesh.
Place-names ending in Rajya
Rajya
Rajya means a kingdom, country, realm (=rastra). 183
222 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
In the Vedic period the term 'Rajya' regularly denoted
sovereign power. In addition to this there were other expres-
sions referring to sovereign power. 184 In the ritual of the
Rajasuya, the Aitareya Brahmana 185 gives a whole series of
terms: Rajya, Samrajya, Bhaujya, Svarajya, Vairajya, Parame-
sthya, and Maharajya.
We find only one name ending with this suffix in our in-
scriptions which is given below :
Airavata-go-rajya (No. 35, L.9) :
The name is not clearly legible. But D.C. Sircar takes
the reading to be 'Airavata-go-rajye'. Airavata-go-rajya may
literally mean 'a kingdom where elephants and cows are
found'. 186 It was situated in the visaya of Kotivarsa which
formed a part of the Pundravardhana bhukti. 187
Place-names ending in Vlthi
Vlthi
It is spelt both as vlthi and vlthl and means a row,
line, road, way or street. 188 But in the inscription it has been
used to refer to an administrative division. It seems to have
been smaller than a visaya (district) and bigger than a man-
dala. 189
We find only one name with this suffix in one inscription
which is given below :
Daksinamsaka-vithi (No. 28, L. 1) :
Literally it means 'a road forming the southern part' of the
city. It seams to have formed part of the Pundravardhana
district and Nagirattamandala was included in it. 19
Place-names with the suffix Patha
Patha (footpath)
'Patha' in Zend. The Sanskrit spelling (th) is loaned from
Iran. Greek relatives are patos (path) and pontos (mariners'
path, sea-route : sea). Initial p is dropped in old Irish :
pathin (path) and pons (bridge) recur as ath (ford)'. Russian
pant (path) and pent (ford). 19 i
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 223
Monier Williams derives it from \/par\th to go, to move.
It means a way, path, a road or route. 192 In the Samaranga-
Tiasutradhara 193 we find the word 'Jangha-patha (foot-path)'.
The suffix 'patha' has been used as early as the later Vedic
period. 194 Originally patha meant 'a path', 'a road' but later on
it came to denote 'a country'. Even now-a-days, the suffix
*road' is used for inhabitations and localities.
Following are the place-names ending in this suffix :
(1) Adyapatha (No. 43, L. 23) :
It was situated to the east of a village called Gulmagan-
dhika. 195 Literally Adyapatha means 'the first route'. It seems
to have been a small area like a mohalla.
(2) Daksinapatha (No. I, L. 20) :
According to inscription No. 1 all the kings of the region
of the north were conquered by Samudragupta who attained
great fame by liberating them. 196 The kingdoms specifically
named as included in the southern region are : Kosala, Maha-
kantara, Kurala, Pistapura, Kcttura, Erandapalla, KancI,
Avamukta, VengI, Palakka, Devarastra and Kusthalapura. 197
"The earliest epigraphical mention of the Daksinapatha is
found in the Nanaghat Cave Inscription (Second half of first
Century B. C.). 198 It later appears in the Junagarh Rock In-
scription of Rudradaman (A. D. 150) 199 as also in the Nasik
Cave Inscription of Vasisthiputra Pulumavi (A.D. 149). 200
Literally it means 'the path or road leading to the south' and
in short the 'south country'. As a designation of the Deccan, 201
the term is found as early as the Baudhayana Dharmasutra. 202
A similar expression is Daksina pada, 'with southward foot',
occurring in the Rgveda, 203 and refers to the place to which
exiles are expelled. 204 Thus the term denoted 'South' beyond
the limits of the recognised Aryan world.
In the Buddhist literature originally the name seems to
have been restricted to a remote settlement on the Upper
Godavari. 205 Some hold that it was situated to the south of
the Narbada and was identical with the Dakhinabades of the
Greeks.206
According to the Yadavaprakasa, Daksinapatha is the name
of the country to the south of the Vindhyas and includes
Pandya, Kuntala, Cola, Maharastra, Kerala, Kulya, Setuja,
224 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES;
Kula.kalaka,lslka, Sahara, Aratta and other countries. 207
Rajasekhara places it ahead of Mahismati. Countries situa-
ted in it are : Maharastra, Mahisaka, Asmaka, Vidarbha,
Kuntala, Krathakaisika, Surparaka, Kanci, Kerala, Kavera,
Murala, Vanavasaka, Sirhhala, Coda, Dandaka, Pandya, Pallava,.
Ganga, Nasikya, Konkana Kollagiri, Vallara, etc. 208
Thus we see that Daksinapatha in later times came to
represent more or less the whole of the south.
Place-names with the suffix Pura
Pur or Pura
Pur is a word of frequent occurrence in the Rgveda. 209 The
early Vedic Aryans were not city builders. Puras 210 which are
mentioned from the context seem to have been always associ-"
ated with the dasyus and the enemies of the Aryans. 211 Pura,
the oldest Sanskrit word denoting city, is usually derived from
the Dravidian ur. From what we read in the Rgveda about
Puramdara's exploits in connection with the destruction of
the ninety -nine puras of the Asuras who had been causing
havoc to the gods, these puras seem to refer to the cities of
the Indus Valley pre- Aryans. 212 But the -word ur is not availa-
ble in Dravidian lexicons : on the contrary it is pura which is
mentioned by them. 213 The word ur is not to be traced in the
I.E. languages. 214 We find Ur only as the name of a town in'
Babylonia. 215 In Tamil country, in the inscriptions of the
Chola dynasty (A.D. 900-1300) the word 'wr' is used to
refer to 'The Primary Assembly of the villagers' in the case of
ordinary villages while in the same context the word Sabha is
used in case of Agrahara villages, mostly tenanted by learned
brahmanas. 21 *
In the later Vedic literature 217 the word Pur meant 'rampart',
'fort', or 'stronghold'. The meaning of Pura as 'city' developed
later and was not at all in vogue in the Vedic literature.
Lexicons define it as a place containing large buildings
surrounded by a ditch and extending not less than one Kosa in
length, if it extends for half that distance it is called a kheta;
if less than that, a karvata or small market town, any smaller
cluster of houses is called a grama or village. 218 The Sama-
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
225
ranganasutradhara describes puras as being of three kinds
Big, middle and small which have different measurements for
their ditches, buildings, streets and road-ways. 219 The big one
possesses a circumference of four thousand arcs, the middle of
two thousand arcs and the small of one thousand arcs. 220
T.Burrow derives pura from Vpri to fillPiparti 'fills': pur 'city':
Lithuanian pilis (1 becomes r). 221 We find the word being spelt
in two ways pur 222 and pura 223 Pur (city), from puru (much)
and purna (full) means 'plentitude' or multitude of settlers.
Similarly Greek polis (city) from poly (much) : Latin populus
(population, people) from plenus (full), and English folk from
full. Pur is the city and purusa the citizen. Greek polites
(citizens), is preserved in politics (civic concerns), police (city
administration), and cosmopolitan (citizen of the world) :
Lithuanian pilis (fort, castle). 224 In modern times the word
pura (from pura) is used for mohalla in India. It seems to be
the result of Muslim contact. 225
Pura, where it does not retain the original from pur, is
changed into the following 226 :
(a) War : as Purushapura, Peshawar; Nalapura, Narwar;
Matipura, Madwar; Salwapura, Alwar; Candrapura,
Candwar
(b) Urs or ur, as Mayapura, Mayura; Simhapura, Singur;
Juskapura, Zukur
(c) Or, as Traipura, Teor; Candradityapura, Caindor
(d) Ora, as Ilbalapura, Ellora
(e) Ore, as Lavapura, Lahore
(f) Ola, as Aryapura, Aihole
(g) ar, as Kusumapura, Kumrar
(h) aur, as Siddhapura, Siddhaur
(i) Own, as Hiranyapura, Hindoun or Herdoun
There are many names with the suffix Pura in the Asta-
dhyayi, Patanjali's Mahabhasya and the Kasika. 227 The word
Mahapura in the Yajurveda Sarhhitas 228 and the Brahmanas 229
denotes a great fortress. Probably the only difference between
the Pur and Mahapura was in their size. 230
Following are the place-names ending in the suffix pura:
(1) Ajapura(No.l2, L.25) :
In Inscription No. 12, we find the mention of the town of Aja-
226 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
pura. The name of the visaya of which it was a part has been
damaged. Since the column bearing the inscription was origi-
nally found in front of the northern gate of the old fort of
Bihar, 231 we can easily identify Ajapura with the modern vill-
age of the same name in the Rajagrha visaya which is not very
far from Nalanda. 232 The name of the visaya which included
this town can possibly be restored as Rajagrha in the damaged
part of the inscription.
(2) CWra/?wra 233 (No.l6, L.5) :
It is the name of Indrapura. See Indrapura.
(3) Dasapura (No. 17, L.4, L.I 6) :
In this inscription L.4 refers to the migration of a guild of silk-
weavers from Lata visaya (Central and Southern Gujarat) to
the city of Dasapura. The guild came to this city attracted by
the virtues of its kings. 234 The inscription refers itself to the
reign of king Kumaragupta, under whom Bandhuvarman, the
son of Visvavarman 235 was the governor at Dasapura. L. 16 of
the inscription records that it was under the governorship of
Bandhuvarman (in Malava era 493-=A.D. 437) 236 , that a lofty
temple of the Sun-god was caused to be built by the guild of
silk-cloth weavers at Dasapura. 237 Afterwards, under other
kings, part of this temple fell into disrepair. And then it was
restored by the same guild in the year 529 of the Malava era
Dasapura has been identified with Mandasor in Western
Malwa 239 formerly in the Gwalior State. The ancient Dasapura
stood on the north or left bank of the Siwana, a tributary of
the river Sipra. 240 We also find it mentioned in the Mandasor
Fragmentary Inscription of the time of Adityavardhana (A.D.
490-500). 241 Under the Imperial Guptas the use of the Malava
or the Krta era seems to have been confined to Dasapura. 242
Thus Dasapura may have been the main city of the Western
Malavas. We also get a reference to Dasapura in the Brhat-
samhita 243 and the Meghaduta 244 of Kalidasa.
The ancient Sanskrit name Dasapura also occurs in an early
Nasik inscription of Usavadata, 245 and in one inscription of
Vikram Samvat 1321 (=A.D. 1264) from Mandasor itself. 246
There are two explanations of the name Dasapura or Dasor.
The local explanation is that the place was originally a city of
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
227
the Puranic king Dasaratha. But, on this view, the name of the
city should have been Dasarathapura or Dasarathore. Fleet
points out that even now, the township includes some twelve
to fifteen outlying hamlets or divisions (Khilcipur, Jankupura,
Rampuriya, Candrapura, Balaganja, etc.) and that 'when it was
originally constituted, it included exactly ten (dasa) such ham-
lets (pura)'. 247 This view of Fleet is more appealing.
Mandasor, the full form of the name of the town by which
it is officially known and which is entered in maps, is also
explained in two ways:
As suggested by Bhagwan Lai Indraji, it may represent
Manda-Dasapura, "the distressed or afflicted Dasapura," referr-
ing to the overthrow of the town, and the destruction of the
Hindu temples in it, by the Musalmans, in memory of which,
even to the present day, the Nagar brahmanas of the area do
not drink water there. This is supported by the fact that some
pandits still call it Mannadasor. 248
F.S. Growse suggests that the name combines the two
names of Mad and Dasapura: the former 249 being the name of
a village (also called Afzalpur) about eleven miles south-east of
Mandasor, from which, it is said, were brought, from ruined
Hindu temples, the stones that were used in the construction
of the Musalman fort at Mandasor. 250
It is very difficult to choose between the two explanations,
but the second seems to be more reasonable.
(4) Indmpum (No. 16, L.5, L.6, L.7, L.8) :
The inscription states that an endowment was given by a brah-
mana named Devavisnu for the maintenance of a lamp in a
temple of the Sun established by the merchants of the town of
Indrapura ksatriyas named Acalavarman and Bhrukunthasimha
at Indrapura.
In line 5 we get 'Candrapuraka-Padma' as the reading
taken by Fleet 251 and he thus considers it a separate town than
Indrapura. 252 But the correct reading should be as 'Cendra-
puraka-Padma', since we find a small stroke by the left side of
V. The stroke in other lines for 'e' is very clear (e.g. in L.2)
though it is not very clear in L.5 still we cannot read it simply
V. The reading 'ce' for V has been suggested by Sircar and
Jajiannath. 253 Thus we see that the Padma referred in line 5
228 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
of this inscription also belongs to Indrapura.
Now we find two different spellings of Indrapura in lines 5
and 6 and Indrapura in lines 7 and 8. 254
What we can find out here is that the affix 'ka' in lines 5
and 6 is very important which seems to have grammatically a
succinct purpose here. The vrddhi of the first vowel T was
desirable here as is also clear by the use of affix 'ka' in the
Allahabad Inscription of Samudragupta. 255 So it is a weaker
form of the affix 'ka', without vrddhi of the vowel in the first
syllable. 256 The writer seems to have used the long vowel
(with the last syllable of Indra) instead of vrddhi in the first
syllable to avoid confusion between Aindrapura and Indrapura.
We do not find any such example of the elongation of vowel
in the classical Sanskrit literature though we find its rare use
in Vedic literature. 257 So we shall translate 'Indrapuraka Pad-
ma' as Tadma of (the town of) Indrapura and 'Indrapuraka-
vanigbhyam' as 'merchants of (the town of) Indrapura'. This
Indrapura is the same as modern Indor, 258 nearDibhai, Buland-
shahr district, U.P. 259 The ancient town of Indrapura was
situated on a large and lofty mound about five miles to the
north-west of Dibhai. 260 Now-a-days it is only a kheda or deser-
ted mound, and is not shown in maps 261
(5) Kartrpura (No.I, L.22) :
Though the most accepted and correct reading is Kartrpura,
some scholars prefer to read Katripura 262 or Katripura. 263
It is one of the five frontier kingdoms 264 mentioned in the
inscription whose kings did homage and paid tribute to Samu-
dragupta. Scholars differ in their views about the identification
of this place-name :
According to smith, 265 this kingdom 'occupied the lower
ranges of the western Himalayas, including probably Kumaon,
Garhwal, and Kangra'. Oldham 266 holds that the kingdom of
Katripura, included Kumaun, Almora, Garhwal and Kangra.
Fleet 267 suggests that the name may survive in Kartarpur in
the Jullundur district.
We prefer the view of DaSaratha Sharma. 268 His conten-
tion is that amongst the five frontier kingdoms mentioned in
the inscription, the first three belong to the East, the fourth
one belongs to the North, hence it will be better to leave aside
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 229
the northern and eastern sides of the empire and to look for
Kartrpura somewhere to the west of the Gupta dominions.
Consequently he finds Karor or Karur to be a good equivalent
for Kartrpura. 269 Kara here stands for Kartr and 'ur' or *ur'
would stand here for pura. 270 Karur, again, is to be perferred
to the other alternatives on account of its associations with the
Gupta period of Indian History. According to Al-Beruni, an
eastern king, called Vikramaditya, put to flight and killed a
Saka ruler in the region of Karur, between Multan and Loni. 271
This Vikramaditya is to be identified with Candragupta II
'the enemy of the Sakas', who disguised as his brother's wife,
DhruvasvaminI, 'ripped upon the belley of the Saka ruler',
and destroyed the Saka army, most probably, in Kartrpura or
Karur. 272
This was the first encounter between the Sakas and Vikrama-
ditya, and Karur, Karor, or Kartrpura was the theatre of the
war because of its intermediate position between the Saka
dominions and the Gupta empire. 273
(6) Kripura (No. 52, L. 1) :
Krlpura was the place from which Vainyagupta issued his land-
grant in A.D. 507-08, was evidently the seat of his govern-
ment. 274 It was the victorious camp full of great ships and
elephants and horses (situated). 275 The place is of unknown
identity, 276 but is possibly to be looked for in Bengal. 277
Literally the name can mean a 'market-town'.
(7) Kusthalapura (No. I, L. 20) :
Kusthalapura ruled by Dhananjaya is mentioned as one of
the Daksinapatha kingdoms subdued by Samudragupta. Smith
takes it to be a mistake for Kusasthalapura, 278 and identifies
it with the holy city of Dwarka, the capital of Anartta, i. e.
North Gujarat. 279 Raj Bali Pandey also identifies it with
Kusasthall (Dwarka). 280 G. Ramdas locates the place in
Gujarat following Smith. 281 Monier Williams also indentifies
Kusasthala with the town of Dwarka. 282 Bhandarkar, follow-
ing Barnett identifies the place with Kuttalur near Polur in
North Arcot. 283
This Kusasthall is not situated in Gujarat but presumably on
the eastern spurs of the Vindhya range near Daksinakosala. 284
It was the capital of KuSa, son of Ramacandra. 285 But its
230 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
position in the list of the States of Daksinapatha indicates a
place a little more to the south.
By the process of Haplology, 286 Kusasthalapura is simpli-
fied into Kusthalapura which may be changed to Kusasthali
or Kusavati in short.
The suffix sthala or sthall is significant : it suggests a high-
lying country, an eminence, tableland, or dry-land as opposed
to a damp low-land. 287 The Mahabharata, Harivamsa, early
Jain and Pali literature use the word in this sense. 288 The
Mahabharata mentions both Kusasthala as well as kusa-sthall.
The latter is supposed to be another name of Dwarka. 289
(8) Pataliputra (No. 7, L. 12; No. 6, L. 4; No. 1, L. 14) :
It is the same as modern Patna situated to the south of the
river Ganga. Inscription No. 7 refers to Pataliputra. Inscrip-
tion No. 6 mentions Virasena, the child of Kutsa, the minister
for peace and war under Candragupta II, who knew the mean-
ings of the words, and logic, and (the ways of) mankind,
who was a poet and who belonged to (the city of) Patali-
putra. 290 Inscription No. 1 mentions a city named Puspa
where Samudragupta enjoyed playfully while he was young. 291
Apparently, the city was the Gupta capital. We also find the
word Pataliputa (Pataliputra) used by Asoka, in his rock
edicts. 292 The city was also known as Kusumapura due to the
abundance of flowers. 293 Its name Puspapura is also met with
in the Raghuvamsa. 294 It is mentioned in the Mudraraksasa
as well. 295 The Kathasaritsagaraof Somadeva 296 (llth century)
describes it as a place of both wealth and education though
generally there is a fight between Sri (laksml) and Sarasvatl. 297
The Kavyamiinamsa of Rajasekhara (A.D. 900) mentions a
tradition that there were assemblies of scholars called brahma-
sabhas, organised by kings, which examined poets like Kalidasa,
Bhartrmantha, Amara, Rupa, Aryasura, Bharavi and Candra-
gupta in Visala(Ujjainl) and where such great masters of gram-
mar as Upavarsa, Panini, Pirigala, Vyadi, Vararuci and
Patanjali were examined in Pataliputra and attained fame. 298
The Manjusrimulakalpa 299 (A.D. 800) mentions Patali-
putra as Nandanagara. This work refers to king Nanda, his
learned Council of brahmana philosophers and to his intimacy
with Panini. "After him (Surasena) there will be king Nanda
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 231
at Puspa city. In the capital of the Magadha residents there
wiJJ be brahmana controversialists and the king will be surroun-
ded by them. The king will give them riches. His minister was
a Buddhist brahmana, Vararuci, who was of high soul, kind
and good. His great friend was a brahmana, Panini by
name". 300
The Kasika 301 records two divisions of Pataliputra :
1. Purva-Pataliputra (eastern on the Ganga)
2. Apara-Pataliputra (western on the Sona)
Patanjali 302 mentions the western Pataliputra. A citizen
of Pataliputra was called Pataliputraka. 303
The city is named as Palibothra by Megasthenes, the Am-
bassador of Seleucus Nicatorat the court of King Candragupta
Maurya. 304 The Pala inscriptions refer to it by the name
Srinagara. 305
The termination 'Putra' in Pataliputra is difficult to
explain. We find it being used with 'Bratfman' to denote
the river 'Brahmaputra'. As regards places-names we find the
mention of Satiya puta (Satiya-putra) and Kerala-puta (Kerala
putra) in Asokan Rock-edicts. 306
The name Pataliputra is taken to mean "the son (putra) of
Patali, i. e. the trumpet flower. The words Puspapura and
Kusumapura also mean 'a city of flowers'. The word 'Srlnag-
ara' means 'a beautiful city. 307 Because of the abundance of
flowers the city may have looked beautiful. It was known by
other names also, viz., Puspapura, Puspapuri and Kusumapura. 308
According to Yuan-Chwang, it had been called Kusumapura
(K' u-su-mo-pu-lo) on account of the numerous flowers (kus-
uma) in the royal enclosure. 309 Later its glory was replaced by
that of K any akubja which came to be known as Kusumapura. 310
The meaning of 'Pataliputra' is explained in the legendary
origin of the city. According to the legend : there was a
brahmana of high talent and singular learning. Many flocked
to him to receive instruction. One day all his students went
out on a tour of observation. One of them looked very sad.
When asked, he told that his life was waning without any
company. In a joke his friends made the Patali tree, under
which they were standing, his father-in-law : in other words
he was to marry the daughter of the tree, or a Patali flower
232 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
(Bignonia Suaveolens). 311 As the Sun was about to set, all
- the students proposed to return home but the young student
fascinated by love stayed there fearlessly. Accidentally, next
day he was married with the young daughter of an old couple.
After a year his wife gave birth to a son. He declined to stay
there fearing the exposure to wind and weather. But the
old man (the father of the wife) constructed a house for him
and made him stay there. When the old capital of Kusuma-
pura was changed, this town was chosen, and "as the genie
built the mansion for the youth the country was named as
Pataliputrapura (the city of the son of the Patali tree)." 312
It is not unlikely that originally the name of the city was
Pataliputrapura and that later suffix Pura was dropped.
The Buddhist literature informs us that Pataliputra was
originally a village known as Pataligama. Ajatasatru is said
to have fortified it in order to check the attacks of the Licc-
havis who often harassed its inhabitants. The Buddha on his
way from Rajagrha to Vaisali, passed through this village
on his last journey and is said to have predicted that the village
was destined to become a great city. 313
The Vayu-Purana attributes the real foundation of Patali-
putra to Raja Ajata-Satru's grandson, Udaya or Udayasva.
It was he who first removed the capital from Rajagrha to
Pataliputra (during the last part of the 6th century B. c.) 314
Pataliputra had closely been associated with multifarious
political and cultural activities right from the fifth century
B.C. to the later part of the sixth century A.D. 315 It had the
honour to be the capital of the Saisunagas, the Nandas, the
Mauryas and the great Imperial Guptas uptil the Huna inva-
sion in the 6th century A.D. when it was ruined. Harsavardhana
(7th century A. D.) made no attempt to restore it. 316 Sasanka
Narendragupta destroyed many Buddhist temples and monas-
teries at Pataliputra. 317 Dharmapala, the most powerful of
the Pala kings of Bengal and Bihar, tried to restore its glory. 318
Coming to medieval times, we find that it remained deserted
for a number of centuries. It was Sher Shah, who, in about
A. D. 1541 occupied it again as a royal city and built a fort
there. It then came into importance under its modern name
Patna (from Skt. Pattana) i. e. the town or city. It is even now
TN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
233
the capital of Bihar. 319
(9) Pistapura (No. 1, L. 19) :
It has been mentioned as one of the southern regions which
were first captured and then liberated by Samudragupta. 320
Mahendragiri is mentioned as its king. Pistapura is the same
as the fortress Pistapura captured by the Calukya king
PulakeSin II. The Tandivada grant of Prthivi Maharaja also
refers to Pistapura. 321 Pistapura is modern Pithapuram in the
Godavari district of the Madras Presidency. 322 It was the
capital of Kalinga. 323 'Kalingadhipati' Anantavarman issued
a grant 324 from the victorious city of Pistapura. This grant
records that Anantavarman's grandfather Gunavarman ruled
over Devarastra with Pistapura as its chief city. 325 In our
inscription Devarastra 326 has been treated separately. It seems
that during Samudragupta' s time these two States (Devarastra
and Kalinga) were separate states but later on under Gunavar-
man they were amalgamated.
Guha ruled over the whole of Kalinga and the neighbour-
ing regions. 327 Guha belonged to the Salankayana family of
brahmanas. Samudragupta installed him as his viceroy in
Kalinga. 328 Guha was already reigning over Kalinga (with his
capital at Pistapura) when Samudragupta conquered him and
placed him as his feudatory. 'Mahendragiri' may have been
another name given to him on account of the extension of
his dominion over the Mahendra mountain. 329 It is interesting
to note that Kalidasa 330 refers to Raghu defeating a king
named Mahendranatha in the course of his southern campaign.
It is tempting to connect Mahendranatha with Mahendragiri.
After the victory of Samudragupta, Guha was confirmed in
the enjoyment of sovereignty under the imperial tutelage. 331
At Pistapura there is a Vaisnava temple named Kunti-
madhava. 332 We get references to Pistapuri or PistapurikadevI,
a form at Manapura, of the goddess Laksm I, in the inscriptions
of the Privrajaka Maharajas and the Maharajas of Uccakalpa
during the Gupta period. 333 This must be a local form of some
popular goddess at Pistapura itself. 334
234 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Place-names ending in the Suffix Nagara
Nagara :
Nagara means a town, a city. 335 we find the term being
used by Panini (IV. 2. 142). 336 The word Nagaraka (or
Nagarika) 337 also occurs in Sanskrit literature as standing for
'an inhabitant of a town' but sometimes its use was restricted
for the chief of a town or a police-officer. In modern times
nagarika is used to refer to 'a citizen of a state whether living
in city or village'.
In the early Vedic literature Nagara is found only as the
derivative adjective Nagarin, used as a proper name, but it
appears in the sense of 'town' in the Taittirlya Aranyaka (1.11,
18:31,4) and frequently in the later works. 338
Nagara is an important factor which helps us to distinguish
Janapada from rastra : nagara forms a part of the rastra but
is excluded from the Janapada. 339 Samara nganasutradhara
uses Nagara and Pura as synonyms. 340 It is significant that
the word Nagara is of late occurrence. 341 It is likely
that in the early Vedic times city life does not seem to have
developed much. In the Epic, 342 there are references ta
Nagara, 'a city' : Grama 'Village' : and Ghosa 'ranch'. Vedic
literature especially of the earlier period is generally confined
to the village. The siege of puras is mentioned in the Samhitas
and Brahmanas.
The word Nagara is changed into : 343
(a) Nar as Kusmagara, Kusinar, Girinagara, Girnar
(b) Ner as Jlrnanagara, Jooner.
In modern times the suffix nagara is sometimes used to
denote an inhabitation or Mohalla e. g. Tilak Nagar, Subhash
Nagar, Patel Nagar, Jawahar Nagar, Lajapat Nagar.
We do not find any place-name with the suffix 'nagara' in
our records but with a little change in the same sense with the
suffix nagarl, which is given below :
Pancanagan (No. 44, L. 1) :
It was the chief town of the district, where Kulavrddhi's Court
was situated. 344 D. C. Sircar considers it to be modern Panc-
bibi in the Bogra District and the same as Pentapolis of
Ptolemy. 345
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
235
Pancanagari literally means 'a multitude of five towns'.
Five small localities might have been collected into one for the
smoothness of administration.
Place-names ending in Nauyoga
Nauyoga :
Literally meaning 'a place for parking boats' it signifies 'a
harbour'. Following are the place-names which have been term-
ed as 'nauyoga' or harbour.
1. Cudamani (No. 52, L. 28) :
Literally meaning 'a jewel worn by men and women on the top
of the head' it denotes 'the best or most excellent'. 347 Com-
bined with its epithet nauyuga, Cudamani signifies 'the best
of harbours'.
2. Nagarasri(No. 52, L. 28) :
Literally Nagarasn means 'the glory of the town'. Combined
with its epithet nauyoga it means 'the harbour of Nagarasri'.
It seems to have been an important part of the town.
3. Praddmara (No. 52, L. 29) :
It has also been described as a nauyoga. 348 The meaning of
Pradamara is difficult to explain. It seems to be the Sanskri-
tised form of the Prakrit Padamara, i.e. a place where clothes
or tents are found in abundance or it may signify 'a harbour of
"pala-boats". 34 9
Place-names ending in Kataka
Kataka :
It is formed from the root Vkat to surround, to encompass,
to cover and means a 'royal camp'. 350
There is only one such place-name with the suffix 'Kataka*
which is as follows :
Kataka (No. 29, L. 12) :
The first part is not clearly legible. Sircar takes it to be
bhratri 351 but does not seem to be correct as it yields no
sense with the word Kataka. The donated land is mention-
ed to have been given to the Chandoga (Samavedin) brah-
mana Varaha-svamin, an inhabitant of this Kataka. 352
236 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Place-names ending in Vasaka
Vasaka :
It means an abode or inhabitation. 353 An inhabitation can be
big or small. In referring to a big inhabitation it denotes a city.
Following are the names with this suffix :
(1) Anandapuravasaka^* (No. 40, L. 1) :
It has been mentioned as a camp of victory. Anandapura lite-
rally means 'a city of pleasure'. It has not been identified so
far.
(2) Ayodhya (No. 21, L. 1 ; No. 37, L. 6 ; No. 39, L. 10) :
In No. 21 the word 'Ayodhya-Vasaka' occurs 355 while in No. 37
and 39 the word 'Ayodhyaka' has been mentioned. In No, 21,
Ayodhya is described as a victorious camp, full of great ships,
and elephants and horses. In No. 39 certain brahmanas belong-
ing to Ayodhya, living in the vicinity of Mahadeva Sailesvara
are named and are mentioned as belonging to various gotras
and caranas, and as proficient in observants, in sacred duty,
in the mantras, the sutras, bhasyas and pravacanas. 356
It has been venerated as one of the most important and
holy places of the Hindus. 357 Vinlta was another name for
this city. 358 Its other names including Vinla (Vinlta) are men-
tioned in the Vividhatlrthakalpa. 359 Fa-Hsien calls it Sha-che
and Ptolemy knew it as Sogeda. 360 Ayodhya and Saketa have
been treated by many writers as being identical. Csoma de
kbros 361 calls this place as "Saketan or Ayodhya" and H.H.
Wilson in his dictionary, refers to Saketa as 'the city of
Ayodhya'. Several passages in the Raghuvamsa 362 confirm it.
The Vividhatlrthakalpa mentions Sakeyam (Saketa) as a
synonym for Ayodhya, 363 but in the Buddhist literature we find
separate references to Ayodhya and Saketa which creates
doubt about their identity and suggests that the two existed
separately. 364 V. Pathak quotes a well known verse occurring
in the Yuga Purana, a section of Gargi Sarhhita, 365 to show
that Saketa is the same as Ayodhya. But there is nothing in
the passage to support the view.
The ancient city of Ayodhya or Saketa is described in the
Ramayana as situated on the banks of the Sarayu or Sarju
river. 366 During the Buddhist period, Ayodhya was divided into
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
237
Uttara (Northern) Kosala and Daksina (Southern) Kosala.
The river Sarayu was the dividing line between the two pro-
vinces. Ayodhya was the capital of the latter. 367 Ancient
tradition believes it to have been built by Manu. 368
The history of Kosala, with its mighty King Prasenajit and
his son Vidudabha pales into insignificance with the emergence
of the Magadhan rulers as powerful antagonists. The Nandas,
followed by the Mauryas, assimilated Kosala in their empire.
Under the Sungas, it was being ruled by a viceroy. An inscrip-
tion from Ayodhya mentions Pusyamitra as having performed
two horse-sacrifices. Under the Kusanas, the city remained
more or less in oblivion. Subsequently in the Puranas it figures
along with Prayaga and Magadha as forming part of
the kingdom of the Guptas. The spurious Gaya Plate of
Samudragupta (No. 21) mentions it as a seat of a Gupta
camp of victory. The history of the city in the post-
Gupta period is wrapped up in obscurity. It was within the
empire of the Pratiharas and Gahadavalas of Kanauj. Ayodhya
is described by Muslim historians 369 to have been a wilder-
ness.
The Slaves and Khilji rulers held sway over it, and subse-
quently it received importance as the headquarters of Oudh.
It was under the charge of Muslim governors appointed from
Delhi, but with the emergence of Jaunpur as a strong kingdom
Ayodhya was completely over-shadowed. It was a mint-town
in the time of Akbar, but there is no reference to it in later
Chronicles. 3
Ayodhya is important as a centre of pilgrimage. There are
several places in the city connected with different events in the
life of Rama. Rama was born at a place called Janmasthana. At
Chlrodaka also called Chlrasagara, Dasaratha performed, with
the help of Rsyasrnga Rsi, the sacrifices for obtaining a son.
At a place called Treta-ka-Thakur, Ramacandra performed the
horse sacrifice by setting up the image of Sita. At Ratnaman-
dapa, he held his Council, 371 at Swargadwaram in Fyzabad,
his body was burnt. At Laksmana-kunda, Laksmana disappeared
in the river Sarayu. Dasaratha accidentally killed Sravana,
the blind Rsi's son, at Majhaura in the district of Fyzabad. 372
Ayodhya engaged the attention of the Muslim rulers some of
238 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
whom set up mosques here, of these the mosques of Babar and
and Aurangzeb are notable. 373 At present this city forms a
part of the district of Fyzabad.
(3) Isvaravasaka (No.5, L. 6) 374 :
It seems to be a village or an allotment of land granted by
Amrakarddava, the son of Undana, and apparently an officer
of Candragupta II to the Aryasarhgha at the great vihara of
Kakanadabota for the purpose of feeding mendicants. 375 The
word Tsvara here is connected with Vasaka and there is no infix
or place-namt suffix in between (just as 'pura' in Anandapura-
vasaka). Hence vasaka here has a double purpose. It is mean-
ingful to Tsvara and also denotes the inhabitation. The whole
will literally mean 'an inhabitation of God'.
Place-names ending in Vana
We find some place-names with the suffix denoting forest, for
example Vindhyatavi, and Vrndavana. In our inscriptions we
come across only three such names, Tumbavana and Vindha-
tavi, and Mahakantara. The suffixes vana, atav! and kantara
are synonyms. These are described below :
1. Tumbavana (No. 30, L. 6) :
It has been identified with Tumain in Guna district, the old
Gwalior State, now in Madhya Pradesh. It is also mentioned
in the Sand Stupa inscription. 376 The Brhatsamhita 377 refers
to it as situated in the South.
The name suggests that Tumba, the gourd Lagenaria vul-
garis was in abundance at this place.
2. Mahakantara (No. 1, L. 19):
It is one of the southern countries subdued by Samudragupta.
Its ruler was Vyaghraraja. Literally Mahakantara means *a
great forest'. It has to be distinguished from Sarvatavi referred
to later on in this inscription. 378 According to Krishnaswami
Aiyangar, 379 it must have included the Saugar division of C.P.
extending northwards to the Ajaigadh State in Bundelkhanda.
But G. Ramdas differs from this view on the ground that Maha-
kantara must be sought in Southern India as it is specifically
mentioned as one of the kingdoms of the South conquered
by Samudragupta. He suggests that Mahakantara must be the
same as Mahavana, a forest region extending northwards into
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
239
Ganjam Agency and westwards into the tract formerly
known as the Chatisgarh States of CP. 380 This very region has
been mentioned by the same name in the Ganj and Nachna
inscriptions. 381
3. Vindhyatavl (No. 28, L. 25) :
The name appears in one of the verses quoted from ancient
Smrtis or the Mahabharata asking people to honour land grants.
In the present case it is said that a man who violates the
grant is born in the Vindhya forest as a serpent and resides in
the dry hollow of a tree. 382 Vindhya forest is the belt of forest
at the foot of the Vindhya mountain.
Place-names ending in Grama
Grama :
It means an inhabited place, village, hamlet. 383 It seems
that firstly the word grama denoted the collective inhabi-
tants of a place, community or race. Later on this sense was
transferred to an inhabitation and was used in the sense of a
village. The earlier usage of this word, which occurs frequently
from the Rgveda 384 onwards, appears to have been in the sense
of a village. The early Aryans must have dwelt in villages which
were scattered over the country, some close together, some far
apart, and were connected by roads. 385 In the early Vedic
literature village is regularly contrasted with the forest (aranya)
in the evening the cattle regularly returned thither from the
forest. 386 The villages were probably open, though perhaps a
fort(pur) might on occasion be built inside. 387 Presumably they
consisted of detached houses with enclosures, but no details
are to be found in Vedic literature. Large villages (maha-
gramah) were known. 388 The grama may, however, perhaps
be regarded more correctly as an aggregate of several fami-
lies, not necessarily forming a clan, but only part of a clan
(vis), as is often the case at the present day. 389 The head of the
village was called Gramani or 'the leader of the village'. The
king's share in a village is referred to as early as the
Atharvaveda. 390
Villages played an important role as a unit of Rastra or
city. 391 Kheta was the half of a city and the village was the
240 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
half of a kheta. 392 Cities other than the capital are called
Karvata, a little less is Nigama and lesser is grama and still
lesser is a house. 393
Grama is changed into gaon, 394 as Suvarnagrama, Sonar-
gaon ; Kalahagrama, Kahalgaon.
Following are the place-name with this suffix. We have also
included here some place-names which are villages though they
have not been termed as such with this suffix.
(1) Bhadrapuskarakagrama (No. 4o, L. 5) :
Bhadra means 'good or auspicious and Puskara (modern
Pokhara) means 'a pond or lake'. So literally the name would
mean 'a village possessing an auspicious or good pond'. It
has not so far been identified. 395
(2) Bharadidasamada (No. 39, L. 11) :
It is the name of a village. The name of the place where the
linga containing the inscription was found is said to be
BharadhiDlh, 396 Bharadi of our inscription may also be com-
pared with 'bharadiya' of the Sane! stupa inscription. 397
Samada is possibly Samudra, an epithet for Siva. D.C. Sircar
takes 'Samudra' to be the 'nam-aika-desa of a deity called
Samudersvara' and suggests that the relevant passage is to be
corrected as 'pdrago bhamdida-samudresvard 1 , 398 The meaning
of the passage is difficult to explain.
(3) Chandagrama (No. 33, L. 3) :
The village is difficult to identify. 399 Canda is the Prakritic
form of Candra 400 which means 'the moon'. Thus the village
seems to have been named after the Moon-god. But Canda
may also mean ferocious or turbulent and in that case it may
have been so named because of its wild looks or its violent
population.
(4) Cltravatangara^ 1 (No. 43, L.24) :
It is the name of a village. Citra means 'excellent' or distin-
guished 402 and vatangara (from vatahkara) means 'producing
wind'. Thus the whole will literally mean 'which produces ex-
cellent wind or air'. The village might have been noted for its
healthy and open atmosphere.
(5) Donga-grama (No. 34, L.ll; No. 36. L.6):
In No. 34 we get a reference to 'Donga', but in No. 36, the
name appears as Donga-grama.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
241
The Donga-grama is said to have been situated in Himavac-
Chikhara 403 identified with Barahachatra (Varahaksetra) in
Nepal. 404 But scholars 405 are not right in co-relating Donga-
grama with Himavac-Chikhara, Inscription No. 36 clarifies it.
There is a long gap between the references to Himavac-
Chikhara and Donga-grama. Actually Himavac-Chikhara is
associated with Kokamukhasvamin (a form of the Boar incar-
nation of Visnu) and Svetavarahasvamin where originally (adya)
these gods were installed in a temple. The name Donga-grama
is used for the place where the lands were donated by Rbhupala
for the construction of the two temples having the names of the
two deities. 406 The word 'adya' in L. 7 is significant and dis-
tinguishes the temples at Himavac-Chikhara from those at
Donga-grama. The writer had to use the word 'Himavac-
Chikhara' again in L.10, with the names of Kokamukhasvamin
and Svetavarahasvamin in order to avoid confusion between
the temples at the two places. For the temple at Donga-grama
the writer uses the word 'iha' in L.I 1. We also find the word
'Himavac-Chikhara' absent in another Damodarpur Copper
Plate Inscription of the Gupta Year 224 (=A.D. 543), where
a person named Amrtadeva hailing from Ayodhya donates a
land for the repairs and worship, etc., at the temple of Lord
Svetavarahasvamin obviously because he was referring to the
temple at Donga-grama and there was now, no question of any
confusion or distinction. 407 Thus Dorigagrama does not seem
to have any connection with Himavac-Chikhara. This village
is to be located somewhere near Damodarpur and belonged to
the Kotivarsa visaya as mentioned in the records. 408 But the
village was most probably situated in a hilly area which is clear
from the wrod Donga itself. 409 The word 'Atraranye' (local
forest where the temple of Svetavarahasvamin was situated) in
No. 37 also attests to it. 410 The village may have consisted of a
few huts with bushes and trees all around or the place where
the temples were situated was away from habitation.
Thus the earlier suggestion that the Kotivarsa district
included the hilly region bordering on the northern fringe of
Bengal, 411 which was rejected by Sircar, 412 seems to be
correct.
6. Gosatapunjaka (No. 28, L.2, L.8, L.15) :
242 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
In line 2 of the inscription the reading is Gosatapunjaka while
in lines 8 and 1 5 the reading is Gosatapunja.
Gosata may be the same as gosala or a cow-stall 413 and
punja means a multitude. 414 So the village may have consisted
of a multitude, of cow-stalls and thus resembled ihe villages
known as gohalis.
7. Gulmagandhika (No. 43, LL.1-2, L.22) :
It is the name of a village. It occurs once in lines 1-2 and twice
in L.22. 41 *
Gulma means *a cluster of trees' 416 and gandhika means
'having the smell of'. 417 The whole will literally mean 'a place
which is full of a cluster of trees having smell'. We may
conjecture that the village originally possessed a few shrubs or
small trees which produced fragrance.
8. Gunekagraharagrama (No. 52, LL. 18-19, L. 21) :
In lines 18-19 we get the reading 'Gunekagraharagrama while
in line 21 the reading is Gunikagraharagrama. The two names
are identical and are the same as modern Gunaighar, 18 miles
to the north-west of Comilla, Tippera district Bengal, in East
Pakistan 418 (now Bangla Desh).
Sen considers it to have been a village-name ending with
the term agrahara and suggests that from the standpoint of
administration this division was more important and better
developed than an ordinary grama. The expression gramagra-
hara 419 or agraharagrama refers to 'a process of unification
which some of the more fortunate villages underwent through
pressure of administrative and economic necessities. 420
Agrahara (Prakrit aggahara) was a village, 421 or consisted of
fields which were given to brahmanas. 422 The agraharas en-
joyed exemption from several taxes and had other administra-
tive immunities.
9. Jambudeva (No. 28, L. 2, LL. 7-8, L. 14) :
It was the name of a village. It seems that this locality was
named after a person named JambQdeva. 423
10. Kakubha (No. 15, L. 5) :
Inscription No. 15 informs us that five stone images of Adikar-
tris or Tlrthamkaras were set up by Madra at the village of
Kakubha. The village was sanctified by its association with
holy men. 424 It was also known as Kakubhagrama, 42 5 the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
243
suffix grama seems to have been dropped in the present case.
Kakubha is identified with modern Kahaum or Kahawan, a
village about five miles to the west by south of Salampur-
Majhauli, the chief town of the Salampur-Majhauli Pargana in
the Deoria, Deoriya or Dewariya Tehsil or sub-division of the
Gorakhpur district in Uttar Pradesh. The grey sandstone
column on which the inscription is engraved stands at a short
distance on the east of the village. 426
J 1. Kdntedadaka grama (No. 52, L.7) :
It was a village situated in the division called Uttaramandala. 427
The name cannot be explained but the suffix 'dadaka' also
appears in the name here and Nadadadakagrama mentioned in
line 27 of this inscription.
12. Nadadadaka grama (No. 52, L. 27) :
It was situated in the Northern direction. 428 The name is
difficult to explain.
13. Lavahgasika (No. 37, L. 15) :
It is the name of a village based on the Lavanga (Clove) tree.
Philologically in Lavangasika one T has been dropped : the
original and full form should have been 'Lavangalasika' i.e.
* where Lavanga trees play'.
14. Purnnandga grama (No. 40, L. 5) :
The village belonged to a visaya called Krmila in Nalanda,
Patna district, Bihar. Literally Purnnanaga means 'full of
serpents' and in this respect the name may be compared
with the name Krmila of the visaya which means 'full of Krmis
or worms'.
15. Revatika grama (No. 21, L.7) :
The village was situated in Gaya visaya. 429 Revatika is to be
identified with Reworu in the Tikari Police area of the Gaya
district. 430 It may have been named after a species of plant
(the citron tree or cathartocarpus fistula). 431
16. Samgohalikagrdma (No. 43, L. 2, L. 20) :
Sarhgohalika was the name of a village. In L.2 we get the form
Sarhgohali, while in L. 20, it is mentioned as Samgohalika-
grama. 432 Sircar takes the reading to bs 'Gulmagandhika-
grama' in place of Sarhgohalikagrama. 433 But Samgohalika-
grama is the correct form. We can compare Sarhgohali in L. 2
of this inscription with the letters appearing in L.20. The first
244 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
three letters are no doubt not fully legible, but the two remain-
ing are surely 'lika'. Thus the name can never be Gulmagan-
dhika, most probably it was Samgohalika. Moreover, the
context of both the lines 20 and 2 is the same.
The word gohall when joined with the suffix 'sarii' means
'a good gohall'. In Inscription No. 28 the word gohall has in
all cases been spelt with long T, i.e. gohall. 434
17. Satuvanasramaka (No. 37, L. 16) :
It is the name of a village. The suffixes vana and asrama are
clear but the name cannot be explained due to the word 'Satu'
the meaning of which is difficult to explain.
18. Vatoddka* (No. 30, L. 4) :
It is the name of a village. Vata is probably a Prakritic form of
vrtta meaning 'surrounded or covered' 436 and the word udaka
means 'water'. So the whole will literally mean 'a place sur-
rounded by water'. It has been mentioned in the inscription as
the abode of good people where lived a person, who bore the
distinguished appellation Srideva. 437
Vatodaka has been identified with Badoh which is a small
village in the Bhilsa district of the old Gwalior State, now in
Madhya Pradesh. 43
(19) Vayigrama (No. 33, L. 9 ; No. 44, L. 2) :
It has been identified with Baigram in the Bogra (Bagura)
district of Bengal, now in Pakistan. 439 In Inscription No. 44
two localities named Trivrta and Srlgohall are mentioned as
included in Vaigrama. 440
Vayi is a Prakritic form of vayu meaning air or wind
and literally Vayigrama means e a village full of air'. We also
know of a town named as Vayupura. 441
Place-names ending in Palli
Palli
The suffix palli, palli, pallaka or its diminutive pallika is
derived from v x pal to go, to move. 442 It means a small village,
(esp.) a settlement of wild tribes (e.g. Trisira-pallI=Trichin-
opoly). 443 Palli has been used as meaning a den of thieves in
the Uttaradhyanasutra and other Jain canonical texts, 444 the
earliest portions of which are assigned to about 300 B.C. 445
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
245
The Samarahganasutradhara by king Bhojadeva, an ele-
venth century work, defines Palli thus :
"Where Pulindas 446 live building their huts with leafs,
branches and stones etc. is called Pall! and a small Palli is
called Pallika". 447
Its derivation from \/pa\ to go, to move, fits in very well as
it was an inhabitation of Abhiras, thieves and barbarians who
moved from one place to another and were usually in small
number.
It seems to be a Dravidian word loaned in Sanskrit. We
find in Tamil, Malayalam and Kannada the word palli meaning
hamlet, settlement, small village and in Telugu the words Palli
and Palliya denoting 'a small village'. 448
Palli 44 9 is changed into :
(a) bal : Asapalll, Yessabal
(b) Poli, as Trisirapalll (=TrishnapallI), Trichinopoly
(c) oli, as AhalyapallT, Ahiroli (also Ahiari).
We have only one place-name ending in this suffix, with
a slight variation which is 'palla' and is detailed below :
Erandapalla (No.I, L. 19) :
It is mentioned in the list of countries of Southern region
conquered by Samudragupta. Its ruler was Damana. Fleet
identifies Erandapalla with Erandol in the E. Khandesh
district of the Bombay Presidency. 450 K.N. Dikshit and Y.R.
Gupte agreed with this view. 451 But according to Dubreuil and
K.G. Sankar, it is the same as the town Erandpalli near
Chicacole on the Coast of Orissa. 452 G, Ramdas opposes
Fleet's identification on the ground that Erandapalli mentioned
immediately after the kingdom of Svamidatta cannot be so far
away on the western coast, it must have been in the vicinity
of Kalinga and Pistapura kingdom. 453 Erandapalli is mentioned
in the Siddhantam plates of Devendravarman of Kalinga. 454
Banerjee counts Damana of Erandapalla among the three
chiefs of Kalinga who obstructed the passage of Samudragupta
through their country. 455
G. Ramdas 456 regards Dubreuil's identification also to
be incorrect because Chicacole lies in Kalinga which was clearly
the country ruled by Svamidatta. Erandapalli will have, there-
fore, to be identified with the village Yendipalli in the Golgonda
246 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Taluka of the Vizagapatam district or with the village Endapalli
in Elore Taluka. 457 But if we suppese that Svamidatta was
the king of Kottura alone and not of the whole of Kalinga,
ErandapallT may well be identified with Chicacole. 458
Palla is the corrupt form of Palli which means an inhabitation
and Eranda is the castor-oil-plant 459 It seems that the region
abounded in eranda plants.
Place-names ending in Gohall
Gohall
The word gohall is derived from Sanskrit gosala which is
transformed into goal in Bengali. 460 It is generally spelt with
long T i.e. as gohall, 461 but in No. 43 it has been spelt with
short <i'. 462 This suffix has been used with the names of villages.
These villages were known as gohalikas, 463 in a similar context
the word pradesa is for villages which were not gohalls 464
These villages were probably full of cowherds. In Assam such
villages are known as goalpara.
Following are the place-names with this suffix :
1. Nitva-gohdll^ (No. 28. L. 3, L.9, L. 15) :
The maning of Nitva is inexplicable.
2. Srlgohall(No. 44, L. 2, L. 8. L.16) :
This locality was connected with the village Vayigrama, i.e. the
present Baigram. 466 The word 'Srlgohall' means 'a glorious or
beautiful gohall'. Likewise we have a place name 'Srlnagara'
in Kashmir which literally means (a glorious or beautiful city).
3. Vata-gohall(No. 28, L. 2, L. 6, L. 7, L. 12, L. 14) :
It was a village situated in the Palasatta Parsva within the
Nagiratta mandala in the Daksinamsaka vlthl. It has been
identified with the village of Goalbhita near Paharpur. 467
Vata is perhaps the Prakritic form of vrtta meaning 'surro-
unded, covered'. 468 The village may have been surrounded by a
well or fence. On one hand we find another village named as
'Trivrta', 469 and on the other Vata-nagara appears as the name
of a town and Vatodaka as the name of a river. 470
Place-names ending in Pdrsvika
Parsvika
It means belonging to the side. 471 This suffix signifies the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
247
geographical situation of the locality with reference to another
place.
There is only one name with the suffix, Parsvika in our
inscriptions which is given below :
Palasotta-parsvika (No. 28, L. 2, L. 12):
Palasatta may mean 'an atta 472 or turret of Palasa trees'. It
is possible that there were many Palasa trees by the side of a
hill and they may have formed a turret on the hill. The
locality near such a situation may have been described as
Palasatta-parsvika.
Place-names ending in Pataka
Pataka
Literally meaning 'a splittler or divider' it means the
half or any part, or a kind of village. 473 Pataka is also the
name of a land measure, 474 hence earlier pataka, padaga or
pada may have denoted a large but private house, or settle-
ment within a village. Gradually the village and sometimes
the city also came to be called after it. 475
There is only one name with this suffix in our inscriptions
which is as follows :
Svacchandapataka (No. 37, L. 15) :
Svacchanda in this context may mean uncultivated or
wild. 476 So it must be a kind of village with large tracts of
barren land.
Place-names ending in Pottaka
Pottaka
Poitaka 477 means the site or foundation of a house. It
may signify here an inhabitation or locality.
We find only one name with the suffix 'pottaka' in our
inscriptions which is given below :
Prsthima-pottaka (No. 28, L. 2, L. 8, L. 14) :
It seems to be a name based on the goegraphical situation
of the place. Prsthima literally meaning situated on the back-
side may here signify 'a neglected place'.
248 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Place-names ending in Vihdra
Vihara
Literally vihara means 'a place of recreation or pleasure-
ground'. With Buddhists or Jains it means a monastery
or temple, originally a hall where the monks met or walked
about. Afterwards, these halls were used as assembly halls or
places of worship. The modern province of Bihar or Behar is
so named on account of the large number of Buddhist monas-
teries in it. 478
We have only one name with the suffix 'vihara' in our inscri-
ptions which is given below :
Lokottaravihara (No. 32, L.I 5) :
Lokottara vihara was possibly the proper name of some local
Buddhist monastery probably named after the Lokottaravadin
sect of the Hinayana form of Buddhism. The Buddhist insti-
tutions alluded to in this inscription where evidently situated at
or in the neighbourhood of Mandasor where the inscription was
found, although no place is mentioned in the record. 479
Place-names ending in Ksetra
Ksetra
Originally meaning an agricultural field, in which sense its
use survives, ksetra came to be used as a place-name suffix
as we find in the word Kuruksetra. As a suffix in com-
position it signified simply a 'field' for the word preceding it.
For example karma-ksetra, dharma-ksetra, rana-ksetra, siddha-
ksetra, suresvarl-ksetra. 480
The use of this word 481 in the Rgveda points clearly to the
existence of separate fields 482 carefully measured off, 483 though
in some passages the meaning is less definite, indicating culti-
vated land generally. 484 In the Atharvaveda 485 and later, the
sense of a separate field is clearly marked, though the more
general use is also found. 486 The deity Ksetrasya Pati, 487 'Lord
of the Field' should probably be understood as the god presid-
ing over each field, just as Vastospati presides over each
dwelling. 488
I
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 249
Ksetra is changed into: 489
(a) Chatra as Ahiksetra, Ahichatra
(b) Cchatra as Ahiksetra, Ahicchatra.
In Prakrit Ksetra changes to Khetta meaning *a land for
agriculture', country, village and city, etc. 490
Analogous to Khetta is the word 'kheda' or 'kheta' which
means 'a city surrounded by rivers and mountains'. 491 'Kheta'
meaning 'a small hamlet' is also found in Pantni (VI.2.126). 492
The Samaranganasutradhara defines 'Kheta' as the half of a
city and the grama as the half of a 'Kheta'. 493 According to
Monier Williams Kheta means a village, residence of peasants
and farmers, small town (half of a Pura). 494
Lele 495 considers Kheta or Khetaka to be the dialectic form
of the word 'Ksetra'. The original meaning of Khetaka or Kheta
was an enclosure for cattle. In the course of time the pastoral
camp grew into an agricultural village, and the word Khetaka
came to include agricultural village. 496
Here we collect the names of fields appearing in the inscri-
ptions of our study. These names can be attributed to the
names of individuals or gods. As the proper names are a part
of the names of the fields, we treat them as place-names and do
not discuss them in the context of personal-names. Some of
the names sound curious and at places the readings are doubt-
ful, the fascimile of the grant supplied by the editor being
blurred. It is interesting to note that all these names occur
in the same inscription, i.e. Gunaighar Grant of Vainya-
gupta, year 188 (No. 52). Gunaighar formerly Gunikagra-
hara, 497 is a village about 18 miles to the north-west of the
town of Comilla, a mile and a half to the south west of the P.S.
Debidvar in the district of Tippera which is modern Tripur. 498
The area is predominated by Tibeto-Burman tribes. Hence
some of the names are full of tribal vocabulary. 499
J. Buddhaka-ksetra (No.52, L.25) :
Buddhaka seems to be a Prakritic form of Sanskrit Vrddharka
meaning 'an old or declining Sun'. 500 A field belongs to a
person of this name or else the field was a place of Sun-
worship.
2. Kalaka-ksetra (No. 52, L.25) :
250 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
It is a Prakritic form of Sanskrit Kalarka, 501 i.e. the dreadful
Sun at the time of the destruction of the whole world. The
field may be connected with Sun-worship. Another alternative
is that it was the property of a man with this name.
3. Khandaviduggurika-ksetra (No. 52, L.26) :
The name is a little puzzling. Its possible Sanskrit form may
be 'khandavidhugrahika-ksetra', i.e. a field belonging to a per-
son who is the owner of house in the shape of half-moon.
4. Jolan-ksetra (No.52, L.24) :
Jolari seems to be a feminine name. The word Jola is a Dravi-
dian word meaning a water-course or river. 502 Jolari may have
been a fisher-woman and the field belonged to her.
5. Mahipala-ksetra (No.52, L.25) :
This field seems to have belonged to a person named Mahipala
literally meaning 'a protector of the country', i.e. a king.
6. Manibhadra-ksetra (No.52, LL.26-27) :
This field belongs to Manibhadra literally meaning 'the excell-
ent jewel'. Manibhadra has been the name of a brother of
Kubera and king of the Yaksas (the tutelary deity of travel-
lers and merchants). 503
7. Miduvilala-ksetra (No. 52, L. 19) :
The field belonged to Miduvilala. The word Midu is a Prakritic
form of Sanskrit Mrdu 504 which means soft, delicate or beauti-
ful. Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo 505 takes Vilala, Birala, Bidala,
Bilada and Bilala as synonymous words meaning 'a cat'. Ac-
cording to Bhattacharya 'the word vilala is evidently derived
from vila with its peculiar meaning (a large watery hollow)
current in Bengal. 506 D.C. Sircar takes it to be a mechanic
caste like vardhaki (carpenter). 507 We find the word Vilala
occurring thrice in the Gunaighar grant (No.52) which has
been translated by the editor of the grant as follows :
(a) Miduvilala-ksetra (L. 19): The field of Miduvilala
(b) Pakkavilala-ksetra (LL.21-22) : The field of Pakkavilala
(c) Ganesvara-Vilala-Puskarini (L.28) : the large marshy
pond of Ganesvara.
All the three names have been explained according to their
context in this work.
In (a) and (b) the editor takes vilala as a part of the names
Midu and Pakka but in (c) he translates vilala as 'a large
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
251
marshy (place)'. The editor should have taken either Miduvi-
lala and Pakkavilala as the adjectives of the fields as in (c) or
Vilala as an adjective of Ganesvara and not that of Puskarinl.
Vilala seems to be a part of the names Miduand Pakka which
if left alone yield no meaning, but in the case of Ganesvara
vilala, the word vilala seems to be an adjective of the name
Ganesvara rather than a part of it. Here the word vilala seems
to indicate a professional caste. It is a Dravidian word. 508 The
whole sense of the name 'Miduvilala' is not clear.
8. Nakhaddarccarika-ksetra (No. 52, L. 23) :
The expression means the field of Nakhaddarccarika.The word
Nakhaddarccarika is a puzzle but it can be possibly explained
as the worshipper of Naksatras, i.e. an astronomer. 509 Naksa-
tra changes to nakkhatta 510 in Prakrit. Nakha and nakkha are
identical, 511 tta in nakkhatta changes to dda in sandhi here. The
word 'arccarika' means a 'worshipper'. 512 Stars were regarded
as deities to whom regular worship (bhakti) was shown. The
names based on stars were unknown in Vedic literature but
became popular in the time of Panini and later. 513
9. Nagi-jodaka-ksetra (No. 52, L. 24) :
The word NagI seems to be a feminine name of the Naga tribe
meaning simply *a naga woman'. The word Jodaka means a
Yugma (two). 514 So the whole will literally mean 'the field of
two Nagis'. 515
10. Pakkavilala-ksetra (No. 52, LL. 21-22) :
The expression means field of Pakkavilala. The word Pakka 516
means a barbarous tribe, a candala. Vilala has already been.
explained. 517
11. Raja-vihara-ksetra (No. 52. L. 22):
The field belonging to the royal vihara or monastery. Literally
Vihara means "a place of recreation, pleasure-ground." With
Buddhists or Jains it means a monastery or temple, originally
a hall where the monks met or walked about. Bfterwards these
halls were used as temples. The province of Bihar ar Behar
is also so named because of the number of Buddhist monaste-
ries in it. 518
12. Surlnasirampurniieka-ksetra (No. 52, L. 19) :
The field of Surlna&rampurnneka or the Surinaslrampurnneka
field. The name is inexplicable.
252 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
13. Suryya-ksetra (No. 52, L. 25) :
The field of Suryya. The field may belong to a person named
Suryya or it may be a place of Sun-worship.
14. Visnuvardhaki-ksetra (No. 52, L. 19) :
The field of Visnuvardhaki. Visnu is the first part of the name
based on god Visnu. The second part of his name seems to be
dropped and instead his professional epithet 'vardhakin' has
been added which means 'a carpenter'. 519 In Sand Stupa Ins-
criptions we get the word 'vadakina' which is the same as San-
skrit 'vardhakin' and means 'carpenter'. 520 In the Ariga-
vijja, 521 we get the word 'vattaki' which denotes a metal
worker.
15. Vaidya-ksetra (No. 52, L. 22) :
The field of Vaidya, i.e. a physician.
16. Yajnarata-ksetra (No. 52, L. 27) :
The field of Yajnarata. Yajna means sacrifice or worship and
rata means 'given' presented, bestowed'. 522 The whole will
literally mean 'given by Yajna'. The field may be a place of
worship or sacrifice. Because of the performance of Yajna on a
certain occasion the field came to be so named as if it was a
permanent place of sacrifice or the field might have been named
after a person 'Yajnarata'.
Place-names ending in Puskarim
Puskarim
Puskara means a blue lotus so PuskarinI denotes a lotus pool.
It also means a lake or pool in general. 523 The names of some
localities associated with pokharas or tanks have survived to
modern times.
Following are the place-names with this suffix :
1. Danda-Puskim (No. 52, L. 31) :
Though the reading is DandapuskinI, it is to be corrected as
Danda-puskarinl. 524 Danda meaning punishment or rod seems
to be a personal name here and the puskarinl was named
after him or else it may have been in his possession.
2. Dosi-bhoga-puskarim (No.52, L 20) :
Dosi may stand for Sanskrit jyotisi meaning astrologer. 525
Bhoga may be a personal name, thus the name may stand for
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
253
a pond of the astrologer named Bhoga. Another possibility is
that bhoga signifies enjoyment. In that case the expression will
signify a pond in the possession of an astrologer. 526
3. Ganesvara-viiala-puskarinl (No. 52, L.28):
Ganesvara was the name of the person to whom the puskarim
belonged. Vilala is a professional epithet which denotes a mec-
hanic caste 527 or it may have been the nick-name of the
person. 528
Following are the place-names which have got no suffix
with them.
One-word Place-names
1. Avamukta (No. 1, L. 19) :
The Inscription No.* 1 refers to Avamukta as one of the
countries in Daksinapatha subdued by Samudragupta. Its ruler
was Nilaraja. 529 . Avamukta has not been identified with cer-
tainty. Some scholars on the basis of the similarity of names
identify it with Avimukta another name of Kasl. 530 But the
suggestion cannot be accepted. Avamukta of the inscription
was a country in the South while Avimukta or Kasl is an eas-
tern country. It may be considered to be situated in the Goda-
vari district. 531 According to D.B. Diskalkar it must lay on
the Eastern Ghats which lie to the west of Kane! or Conjee-
varam. 532
2. Davaka (No. I, L. 22) :
It has been mentioned as one of the frontier states subdued by
Samudragupta. According to Fleet it was the ancient name of
Dacca. 533 V.A. Smith takes it as corresponding to Bogra,
Dinajpur and Rajshahi districts. 534 But as these districts were
not actually incorporated in the Gupta dominions, D.R.
Bhandarkar suggests that Davaka corresponds to the hill-tract of
Chittagong and Tippera. 535 K L. Barua identifieds it with Kopili
valley in Assam. 536 Generally Davaka is identified with modern
Daboka in Nowgong district, Assam. 537 It thus corresponds to
the valley of the Kapili and the Yamuna rivers in Nawgong
district where we still find a place called Doboka. 538
3. Kamarupa (No. I, L. 22) :
It has been mentioned as one of the frontier states which were
subordi nate to Samudragupta and whose emperors paid him
254 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
taxes and all kinds of obeisance. Majumdar 539 identifies it with
Upper Assam. Kamarupa consisted of the Western districts of
the Brahmaputra valley which being the most powerful state
and being the first to be approached from the western side
came to denote the whole valley. 540 The area of Kamarupa
was estimated by the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang to have
been 10,000 li i.e. 1667 miles in circuit which shows that it
must have comprised the whole valley of Brahmaputra. 541
Saktisangama describes 542 Kamarupa as extending from Kale-
svara to the Svetagiri and from Tripura to the Nlla-parvata
(which is the Niladri or Nllakuta, the name of the Kamakhya
hill). According to the YoginI Tantra, the kingdom of Kama-
rupa included the whole of the Brahmaputra valley together
with Rangpur and Cochbihar. 543 The Puranas mention Prag-
jyotisa, identified with Kamakhya or Gauhati, as the capital of
Kamarupa. 544 The Kamauli grant of Vaidyadeva mentions
Kamarupa as a Mandala of the Pragjyotisa-bhukti. 545
The Abhidhana, the Vaijayanti and the Trikandasesa in-
form us that Pragjyotisa and Kamarupa were the same coun-
try. 546 In the Raghuvams'a, 547 the separate mention of Prag-
jyotisa and Kamarupa may seem to be a little puzzling. But
we see that whereas verses 81-82 of the fourth canto refer to
the king of Pragjyotisa as terrified, the subsequent verses
describe the presentation of elephants and the offer of respects
by the king of Kamarupa to Raghu. Thus all the four verses
are inter-linked and, the context also proves that Pragjyotisa
and Kamarupa were the same. 548 The Buddhist Chronicle
Arya-manjus'rl-mulakalpa describes Kamarupa as a country of
the east. 549 The Brhatsamhita 550 and the Kavyamlmaihsa 551
also mention it in the same direction. Chatterji remarks that
the tribes living on the frontiers of Kamarupa were akin to the
Man tribes of South-Western China, a wild Tibeto-Chinese
people. 552
The Ahoms of the Shan Tribe came into Assam at the be-
ginning of the 13th century due to the break-up of the Chinese
empire by the Moguls and ruled till the British occupation in
the beginning of the 19th century. 553
4. Kanci(No. I, L. 19) :
The earliest epigraphic mention of Kanci is to be found in this
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
255
inscription. The inscription refers to Visnugopa of Kanci as
one of the kings of Daksinfipatha defeated by Samudragupta
but reinstated in their kingdoms. Kanci is the same asKancfpura
or modern Conjeevaram in the Chingieput district of Madras
Presidency. 554 The kingdom of Kanci extended from the mouth
of the Krishna to the south of the river Palar and sometimes
even to the Kaveri. 555 It is also known as Kancipedu. 556 It is
mentioned in several early records relating to the ancient his-
tory of the Pallavas of Kanci (of about A.D. 250 to 355) 557 The
Aihole inscription of Pulakesin, the Calukya ruler in the 7th
century A.D. refers to his conquest of Kanclpura. 558 The ear-
liest literary reference to Kanci is in the Mahabhasya of Pataii-
jali. 559
The Mahabhasya en Varttika 26 to Panini IV. 2.104 men-
tions Kanclpuraka (i.e. a resident of Kanclpura). 560 Hiuen
Tsang informs us that KaficI was 30 li or 5 miles in circuit, and
that in the city there were eighty Deva temples and many here-
tics called Nirgranthas. 561
The Puranas attach great importance to Kanci. 562 It is
included in a list of seven holy cities of India. 563 The Brah-
man da Purana 564 associates Kanci with KasI, the two forming
the two eyes of Siva. It is stated in the Barhaspatya sutra 565
that Kanci is a Sakta-ksetra. In the Devlbhagavata 566 , Kanci
is said to be a sthana of the Devi called Annapurna. 567 The
Vamana Purana 568 mentions it as the best among the cities.
The Skandapurana 569 counts it amongst the holy places. The
Bhagavatapurana 570 and the Yoginltantra 571 also mention it.
In Dasakumaracaritam 572 it is referred to as a city of the Dravida
country.
Kanci is full of temples and shrines. Siva Kanci and Visnu
Kanci form the western and eastern parts of the city, while
the Jaina Kanci is known as Tiruparutti-Kunram. 573 Of the
temples at Conjeevaram, the most famous are the Kamaksi
temple with a Cakra placed in front of the deity, the Vaikuntha
Perumal temple of Visnu and the Shiva temple of Kaila-
sanatha. 574
Apart from its religious significance Kanci has been a
famous centre of learning. The Pallava ruler Mahendravarman,
the author of the Mattavilasa-Prahasana; Bharavi, the author
256 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
of the Kiratarjumyam and Dandin, the author of the Dasakumar-
acaritam are said to have flourished here. 575
The famous Buddhist dialectician Dinnaga came here to
satisfy his intellectual and spiritual thirst and about the middle
of the fourth century A.D., the brahmana Mayurasaraman,
who founded the Kadamba line came here for getting recogni-
tion in Vedic learning. 576 The Adi-guru Sankaracarya establi-
shed here the famous PItha known as Kamakotipltha. 577
Literally Kanci means a 'girdle'. It seems to have been so
named because it is situated like a girdle round the sea.
5. Kasi (No. 28, L. 6) :
It is mentioned in Inscription No. 28. According to the in-
scription a vihara at Vata-gohal! was inhabited by the disciples
of the Nigrantha preceptor (Sramanacarya) Guhanandin,
belonging to the Panca-stupa section (nikaya) of Kasi. 578
Evidently Vatagohali was a seat of Jain monks who had their
major seat at Kasi.
The name Kasi is derived from the root Kas 'to shine'.
The Skandapurana 579 says that the city of KaSl became famous
by that name because it sheds light on (the way to) nirvana or
because, that indescribable refulgence, viz. god Siva shines
forth here. 580 B.C. Law connects it with Ti-miao meaning 'read
sprouts', a Chinese translation of the word and this links it
with a certain kind of grass. 581 It has been known for centuries
under five different names, viz., Varanasi (modern Banaras),
KasT, Avimukta, Anandakanana and Smasana or Mahasma-
sana. 58 2
The earliest mention of the KaSis as a tribal people occurs
in the Paippalada recension of the Atharvaveda. 583 Varanasi
was the capital of the people of Kasi. 584 Thus it seems that
geographically Kasi represented a larger area than Varanasi, the
latter being the capital of the former. But in medieval times
the position became just the reverse. Varanasi comprehended
the entire district and Kasi generally represented only a small
place. In a grant of Maharaja Vinayakapala we get a reference
to a village of Jikkarika situated in the Pratisthana-bhukti,
and attached to KasI-para-Pathaka which belonged to Varanasi
visaya. 585 Kasi para-pathaka represented the site of the ancient
city of the Kasi. 586 The Vividhatirthakalpa 587 also mentions
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 257
Kasi as a janapada in the VaranasI City.
The ancient kingdom of Kasi was bounded by Kosala on the
north, Magadha on the east, and Vatsa on the west. The
Cedis and Karusas lived to their south. 588 At the time of
Buddha, the kingdom of Kas"i was absorbed by the kingdom of
Kosala. 589
We know that Lord Buddha gave his first discourse near
Kasi in the Deer Park at Sarnath. Kasi was an important
Buddhist centre and was a seat of monastic establishments in
the time of Asoka. 590 During the period of Gupta rule it was
on its way to become a strong centre of Siva worship with the
mahaiingas set up in different parts of the city. 591 The Puranas
include the region in the Gupta empire. 592
It was a great centre of trade and commerce. Patanjali in
his Mahabhasya 593 mentions Kasi cloth. The Buddhist litera-
ture gives us many accounts of the merchants of the city. 594
Kasi has been a place of much improtance for Hindu pil-
grimage. Its religious importance has been discussed at length
in the Kasikhanda of the Skanda Purana. Lord Siva never
leaves it, hence it is known as Avimukta. A man who dies here
is believed to get emancipation. 595
6. Kosala (No. I, L. 19) :
It is spelt both ways with the dental as well as with the palatal
sibilant. It is included in the list of the Daksinapatha kingdoms
whose kings were conquered but reinstated by Samudragupta.
At that time Mahendra was its ruler. It has been identified
with South Kosala corresponding to modern district of Raipur,
Sambalpur and Bilaspur of M.P. and Orissa. 596 Its old capital
was Srlpura (modern Sirpur),40 miles north-east of Raipur. 597 It
is the same as Maha-kosala 598 which forms the largest unit among
the three component parts of the State of Madhya Pradesh. 5 "
The recent excavation at Eran has thrown a flood of new light
on the early history of eastern Malwa and Mahakosala between
the period 1900 B.C. and A.D. 600. During the Gupta period
several Brahmanical temples were built in this region. In the
early medieval period i.e. from A.D. 600 to 1200, the Candellas
and Kalacuris were the two chief ruling dynasties in the
Mahakosala area. In the period of Muslim rule followed by
Maratha supremacy, many forts and fortresses were built
258 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
by the ruling chiefs 600 in different parts of Mahakosala.
Daksina Kosala is mentioned in the Ratnavall (Act IV) as
having been conquered by Udayana, king of Vatsa. 601
N.L. Dey 602 identifies Daksina Kosala with Tosall of
ASoka's inscription (Tosala) at Dhauli, which is situated near
Bhuvaneswar in the Puri district, Orissa. Sylvain Levi suggests
an Austric origin for this wold. 'Kosala changing to Tosala is
an apparent variation of the initial due to the formative
prefix' 603 in the Austric languages. The country of Tosala also,
like Kosala, had two divisions : Uttara Tosala and Daksina
Tosala. 604 Daksina Tosala consisted of a mandala of the name
of Kongoda. In some cases by mistake the reading Daksina
kosala is given in place of Daksina Tosala. 605 But it is clear
from other evidence that Tosala and Kosala were two separate
entities. The puranas mention them separately. 606 The Kavya-
mlmamsa also makes a separate reference to the two. 607
7. Kottura (No. 1, L. 19) :
It is mentioned as one of the Southern kingdoms conquered by
Samudragupta. Its ruler was Svamidatta. It has been identified
by N. Dubreuil with Kothoor in Ganjam. 608 Banerjee counts
Svamidatta of Kottura among the three chiefs of Kaliiiga
who obstructed the passage of Samudragupta through their
country. 6 9
According to Fleet Kottur (from Kottapura) being a very
common Dravidian name, may be looked for in any Kottura
of note, in a mountainous part of Southern India, e.g. possibly
Kottur in the Coimbatore district, at the foot of one of the
passes in the Anaimalai Hills. 610 R. Sathianathaier proposes
to identify Kottura with Kottura near Tuni (E. Godavari dis-
trict) and maintains that Samudragupta did not pass through
Orissa, Ganjam and Vizagapatam 611 There is another
Kottura in the Vizagapatam district. 612 But the generally
accepted view is to indentify it with Kothoor in Ganjam.
8. Kurala (No. I, L. 19) :
It has been mentioned as one of the kingdoms of Daksinapatha
subdued by Samudragupta. Its ruler was Mantaraja. Fleet
suggests that Kauralaka is a mistake for Kairalaka, denoting
the well known province Kerala in the South of India. 613
D.R. Bhandarkar 614 identifies this Kerala with the Sonpur
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
259
territory in C.P. round about Yayatinagara where the author
of the Pavanaduta locates the Keralas. Barnett identified it
with modern village Korada in South India. 615 Kurala is
taken by Kielhorn 616 to be the same as Kunala mentioned in
the Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II 617 and identified with
the Kolleru lake between the Godavari and the Krishna. 618
But DR. Bhandarkar 619 objects to this view on the ground
that the Kolleru lake must have been included in the kingdom
of Verigi mentioned later on 620 in the same list in the inscrip-
tion. G.Ramdas 621 seems to be right when he observes that
Kuraja must be the plain country of the Ganjam district to
the north-east of the Mahendra hill now chiefly occupied by
the Oriyas.
9. Nepala (No. I, L. 22) :
It is mentioned as one of the border states which accepted the
subordination of Samudragupta. Some take it to refer to
Tippera 622 which is doubtful. 623 The city is said to have been
founded by Ne rsi who performed his religious services at the
junction of the BagmatI and Kesavati and who also ruled over
the country. 624 The Nepala valley originally contained a lake
called Naga Basaor Kalihrada, in which lived Naga. Karkotaka.
It was fourteen miles in length and four miles in breadth 625
The former name of Nepala was Slesmatakavana. 626 The
famous temple of Pasupatinatha on the western bank of the
Bagmati river, is situated about three miles north west of
Kathmandu in the town of Devipatan said to have been founded
by Asoka's daughter Carumat!. 627 The Saktisangama Tantra
describes the country of Nepala as placed between Jatesvara
and Yogini. 628 Sircar equates Yoginipura with Delhi and
Jatesvara with Jalpesvara, the famous Siva of the Jalpaiguri
district in North Bengal. 629
Nepala was a buffer state in the 7th century A.D. In
the 8th century A.D. she shook of its domination by Tibet. 630
According to the Deopara inscription, Nanyadeva, the ruler
of Nepala, is said to have been defeated and imprisoned with
many other princes by Vijayasena, about the middle of the
12ih century A.D. 631
10. Palakka (No. I, L. 20) :
It has been mentioned as one of the kingdoms of Southern
260 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
India whose kings were first conquered and then released by
Samudragupta. Its ruler was Ugrasena. Palakka has been
identified with Palakkada, the capital of a Pallava viceroyalty
and was situated in the Nellore district. 632 Law is inclined to
identify Palakkada with Palakaluru in the Guntur taluka. 633
Allan and G. Ramdas locate it in the Nellore district. 634 Smith
places Palakka in the Nellore district. 635 Dubreuil, however,
identifies Palakka with a capital of the same name which was
situated to the South of the Krishna and which is mentioned
in many Pallava Copper Plates. 636 The kingdom of Palakka
might have extended westwards beyond the region now occu-
pied by the districts of Auddepal and North Arcot. 637 It was
perhaps situated to the west of KancI on the Eastern Ghats. 638
11. Pratyanta (No. 1, L. 22) :
It is mentioned in Inscription No. 1 that the kings of frontier
(or border) states 'Samatata, Davaka, Kamarupa, Nepala and
Kartrpura' gratified the imperious commands of Samudrgupta,
by giving all (kinds of) taxes and obeying (his) orders and
coming to perform obeisance. 639 We also find a reference to
Pratyanta in the Girnar Rock Edict No. 2 of Asoka. 640
Law 641 contrasts between Aryavarta and Pratyanta. He
takes Pratyanta to mean the Mleccha country and quotes the
Amarakosa, Divyavadana, Abhidhanacintamani and Smrti-
candrika. 642 But in the inscription 643 the contrast is between
Daksinapatha and Aryavarta while the word Atavikaraja
breaks the link between Aryavarta and Pratyanta. Moreover,
all the border states mentioned in the inscription could not
have been Mleccha and inhabited by Kiratas. 644 The word
Pratyanta and its substitutes in the Asokan edicts also refer to
the frontier states.
12. Samatata (No .1, L. 22) :
It is one of the frontier kingdoms which offered their sub-
mission to Samudragupta. 645 Sen 646 remarks that Samudra-
gupta reduced the king of Samatata to the rank of a subordi-
nate prince who had to part with most of his powers and was
'allowed to rule over a much reduced dominion as a vassal of
the emperor'. Retaining only the control of its internal ad-
ministration, he had to pay various kinds of taxes to Samudra-
gupta, attend his durbars, render obeisance to him and gratify
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
261
his imperious commands. 647 Samatata is the only territory in
Bengal to be referred to in the Allahabad Prasasti. 648 The
first epigraphic reference to Samatata is to be found in this
inscription. 649 Literally the name means 'the shore country 5
or 'Level country'. 650 'Samatata in the Gupta period denoted
a territory lying to the east of the Brahmaputra'. The Brhat-
samhita mentions it as a country situated in the East. 651 The
Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang proceeded from Kamarupa
southwards and after a journey of 1,200 or 1,300 li (6 li-
1 mile) reached the country of Samatata. According to him,
this country was on the seaside and was low and moist and
was more than 3,000 li in circuit. 652 From Samatata, the
pilgrim journeyed towards the West for over 900 li and
reached Tanmolihti, 653 or Tamralipta, the modern Tamluk in
the Midnapur district. 654 Samatata, therefore, must have been
the South-eastern part of the Bengal presidency corresponding
to the Dacca, Faridpur, Backerganj, Jessore and Khulna
districts. 655
It is known from the Baghaura Inscription 656 that the
Tipperah district was in Samatata. The Arya-ManjusrI Mula-
kalpa states that Samatata was situated to the east of the
Lohitya. 657 The Yadavaprakasa equates Bhaurika with
Samatata. 658
Epigraphical evidence, however, shows that Samatata com-
prised the districts of Comilla, Noakhali and Sylhat. 659 Its
capital Karmmanta has been identified with Bad-Kamata, 12
miles west of Comilla district. 660 After the rule of the Guptas,
Samatata was successively under the Khadga, Candra, Varman
and Sena dynasties. 661
13. VengifNo. 1, L. 20) :
Inscription No. 1 mentions it with its king Hastivarmman
who was subjugated by Samudragupta. It seems to be an
abbreviated form of Vehglpura by dropping the suffix Pura. 662
It is identified with Vegl or Pedda-vegl, a village near Ellore
Taluka between the Krishna and the Godavari rivers. 663
Banerjee describes it as one of the Pallava kingdoms of
South. 664 But the capital of the Pallavas was Kancl. VengI
was the capital of the Calukyan kings 665 and was also known as
Vengai-nadu. 666
262 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
NAMES OF LOCALITIES
1. Avadara (No. 46, L. 10):
Kaivartti-sresthin is mentioned as the resident of Avadara. 667
Avadara is the only geographical name mentioned in the in-
scription. It appears to have been a locality near modern Supia,
in Old Rewah State, from where the inscription has been
found. The name is difficult to explain.
2. Himavacchikhara (No. 36, L. 5, L. 10) :
Literally meaning 'the peak of the Himalayas' it has been
identified with Barahachatra (Varahaksetra) in Nepal, 668 which
is the same as the Kokamukha tlrtha mentioned in the Maha-
bharata and the Puranas. 669 The original temples of the gods
Kokamukha and Svetavaraha referred to in the record 670 along
with Himavac-Chikhara, were situated at this place. 671
3. Nasti (No. 5, LL. 4-5) :
The second part of the word is not legible. It seems to
have been the name of a town in the Sukuli des"a. The meaning
of the word is not clear. It must have been a place near Sand
in the Madhya Pradesh.
4. Pancakulyavapaka (No. 37, L. 16) :
The Damodarpur Copper Plate Inscription of the time of Bhanu-
gupta(No, 37) records that one kulyavapaofland was purchased
to the north of Pancakulyavapaka. Literally it means 'a plot of
land five kulyavapas in area : It seems to refer to a village or
locality comprising five kulyavapas of land. 672 A kulyavapa is
'an area of land requiring one kulya measure of seed grains
to be sown 5 . 673 This land measure differed in different ages and
localities. Maity 674 gives this area of five kulyavapas in terms
of modern measurements as follows :
5 kulyavapas = 1 pataka =192-240 bighas =72-88 acres
and believes the lower figures to be more correct.
5. Paraspatikd (No. 37, L. 16) :
It seems to be the name of a locality. The metathesis of two
letters V and 'p' seems to have worked here. Its correct
Sanskrit form should have been Tarapastika'. The word
'prapasti' means a house, habitation or abode. 675
6. Trivrtd (No. 44, L. 2, L. 8, L. 15) :
In L. 2, two localities named Trivrta and Srlgohall have been
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 263
mentioned as connected with the village named Vayigrama. 676
Literally it means 'surrounded or covered by three sides'. It
seems that when the locality was founded the city was surroun-
ded by some natural boundary on its three sides. This may
have been in the form of rivulets or streams or hillocks.
TRIBAL PLACE-NAMES
Following are the place-names which have tribal associa-
tions without any mention of the specific boundary :
1. Aryavartta (No. 1, L. 12) :
Samudragupta is stated to have violently exterminated many
kings of Aryavarta such as Rudradeva, Matila, Nagadatta,
Candravarman, Ganapatinaga, Nagasena, Acyuta, Nandin
and Balavarman. 677 We also find references to Aryavarta in
other epigraphic records. 678
Literally Aryavarta 679 means 'the abode of the Aryas, or
excellent or noble people'. The word 'Arya' here is significant.
Jt has been interpreted in two ways : some scholars derive
the word Arya from the root \/Ar, to plough, and suggest that
the Vedic Aryans were so called because they despised the
pursuits of agriculture and remained shepherds and hunters. 680
"If Arya were purely a racial term, a more probable deri-
vation would be Ar, meaning strength or valour, from V ar
to fight, whence we have the name of the Greek war-god Ares,
areios, brave or warlike, perhaps even arete, virtue signifying,
like the Latin virtues, first physical strength and courage and
then moral force and elevation". 681 "Intrinsically, in its most
fundamental sense, Arya means an effort or an uprising or
overcoming. The Aryan is he who strives and overcomes all
outside him and within him that stands opposed to the human
advance." 682 Wilson says that a variety of ancient designations
of which 'Aria' is a component element (cf. Ariana) are con-
nected with the term Arya. The Zend name for the country
to the west of the Indus was 'Eriene-veejo', that is the Sans-
krit Aryavarta. 683
In defining the boundaries of Aryavarta, Vasistha and
Baudhayana in their Dharmasutras lay stress on the word
Arya and explain it to mean sista. Patanjali also in his Maha-
264 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
bhasya first explains the meaning of sista in order to draw
attention to the cultural basis of the name Aryavarta. He
remarks that correct conduct is found in Aryavarta and then
mentions its boundaries. 684
In the Brahmana period the centre of Aryan culture and ci-
vilization shifted to the Gangetic Doab "Aryavarta came to be
treated as conterminous with the region between the Ganga
and Yamuna. 685 In the Taittirlya Aranyaka 686 special honour
is assigned to those who dwell between the Ganga and the
Yamuna. In the Sutra period Aryavarta extended from the
hills of Central Rajasthan to the hills of Central Bihar. 687
At the time of Patafijali, 688 Aryavarta was bounded on the
north by the Himalayas, on the south by Pariyatraka, on the
west by Adarsavall and on the east by Kalakavana (Rajmahal
hills) 'Black Forest' or rather Kanakhala, near Hardwar. 689
Thus it seems that Aryavarta bore a sacerdotal sense and
denoted a particularly limited area where Aryan institutions
were the basis of social order. 690
What was originally called Aryavarta was later named as
Madhya-des*a and Aryavarta came to include the whole of
Northern India. This is related to the gradual spread of Arya-
nism. 691 Brahmavarta and Brahmarsidesa lost their identity in
the Madhya-desa and combined with Pracya, Pratlcya and
Udlcya (Uttarapatha) became the equivalent of Aryavarta. 692
Both Udlcya and Pracya were taken as the home (loka) of
standard Sanskrit both in Panini's time and earlier. In the time
of Patanjali, Aryavarta came to be regarded as the home of the
Sistas (persons proficient in the Sastras) whose language set the
norm. 693
By the second century A.D., the last limit of the composi-
tion of the Manu-smrti, the wider outlook of Aryavarta was
popular. It was the name of the tract extending from the
Eastern to the Western Ocean, and bounded on the north and
south by the Himalaya and Vindhya respectively. 694 This is
supported by the Kavyamlmamsa of RajaSekhara. 695 Rajasek-
hara speaks of the river Narmada as the dividing line between
Aryavarta and the Daksinapatha. 696 In Inscription No. 1, L. 29
Aryavarta is contrasted with Daksinapatha, 'the southern
region'. 69 ? The wider sense of Aryavarta is also supported by
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 265
references in the Abhidhana-cintamani 698 and the Rajataran-
gim.699
2. Kakanadabota (No. 5, L. 1; No.23, L.2) :
In both the inscriptions, we find reference to a grant to the
Arya Sarhgha or the Community of the faithful, at the great
Vihara, or Buddhist convent of Kakanadabota, 700 for the
purpose of feeding mendicants and maintaining lamps.
D.C. Sircar takes 'Kakanadabota' to be the old name of
Sand. 701 Fleet is of the view that the Kakanadabota convent
is the Great Stupa itself. According to him the word Bota is
another form of Pota which means 'the foundation of a
house'. 702 Fleet further writes that the name 'Kakanada' lit.
'the noise of the crow' was the ancient name of Sane! itsslf
which is proved by its occurrence in two inscriptions in Mauryan
characters found at Sand. 703
Thus, it is clear that Kakanada was the ancient name of
Sanci in the Bhopal State, now Raisen district, Madhya
Pradesh, well-known for its Buddhist topes. 704 The word 'bota'
is thus a surplus and joined by 'Kakanada' will refer to the
great stupa itself. Its form Pota meaning the foundation of a
house is untenable bacause the word 'vihara' in that very sense
appears in the inscriptions. The word 'bota' has been used here
in the sense of an ascetic cult. 705 It is a Prakrit word which has
been used here to refer to 'the Buddhist cult'. Thus the relevant
expression means 'in the holy great vihara of the Buddhist cult
(assembly) at Kakanada'.
Fleet is wrong in translating the word Kakanada to mean
'the noise of the crow'. 706 K.P. JayaswaPs rendering 'the praise
of the Kakas' 707 is more to the point. We know of the Kakas,
an autonomous community mentioned in the Allahabad In-
scription of Samudragupta. 708 In Eastern Malwa we have two
ancient place-names connected with the Kakas. One is the hill
now called Sanci hill (the ancient) Kakanada. The other is an
ancient village called Kaka-pura, some 20 miles north of
Bhilsa, and full of ancient monuments. 709
3. Uttara Kuru (No. 22, L. 7) :
A person named Samkara is described in the inscription as
born in the region of the north, the best of countries, which
resembles ( in beautitude) the land of the Northern Kurus. 710
266 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
The Kurus had two branches, the northern and the southern.
Uttarakuru or the country of the Northern Kurus, is supposed
to be a region beyond the most northern range of the Himalaya
mountains, and is described as a country of everlasing hap-
piness. 711 We have discussed in details, the Kurus, in the
section on tribes. The Brhatsamhita 712 mentions it as a country
situated in the North. In the later period the Uttarakurus had
only a mythical or legendary existence.
4. Vahga (No. 20, L. I) :
In this inscription, king Candra, "on whose arm fame was
inscribed by the sword, when in battle in Vanga countries, is
stated to have kneaded ^back with his breast the enemies who,
uniting together, came against him". 713 This is taken by
scholars 714 to be the first epigraphic mention of Vanga. The
Vangas here mean the 'Vanga country' the eastern Bengal of
modern times. Bajpai is of the opinion that the Vangas
of the Meharauli Pillar Inscription of Candra (No. 20) are the
people living in the Makaran coast of Baluchistan. 715 But the
Vangas here denote country and not the people. Moreover, the
victory of king Candra over the Vahga countries has no con-
nection with his conquest of the Vahlikas. Both are separately
mentioned in his campaign. In Sanskrit the tribal name in the
plural is regularly used to indicate the country inhabited by the
tribe. 716 The Vanga countries are also referred to in the
Mahakuta Pillar Inscription, 717 but in the inscriptions after
the 9th century A.D. the word Vangala is usually mention-
ed. 7 ^
The earliest mention of the Vangas along with the Magadhas
is in the Aitareya Aranyaka. 719 The name is also found in the
Baudhayana Dharma-Sutra 720 where the Vangas are mentioned
as impure people. 721 But the Drama Tratijna-Yaugandha-
rayana' (Act II), ascribed to Bhasa and probably not older
than the 4th century A.D., suggests that the ruling families of
Bengal were regarded as equals to those of Northern India for
intermarriage with the royal family of Malava. 722
The people of Vahga are stated to have fought in the Kuru-
kshetra war 723 and, in course of his expedition Bhlsma is said
to have defeated Samudrasena of Vahga. 724 The Kasika men-
tions Vahgaka to explain Panini's sutra (IV.3.100) denoting
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 267
loyalty of the citizen to the state. 725 Panini mentions Vangl
(the lady of Vanga Janapada) along with Avanti, Kuru and
Yaudheyi. 726 Patanjali also refers to the Vahgas by way of
illustration. 727 Kautilya makes similar references to the
country. 728 The Bhagavata Purana also mentions it as a
country. 729 Kalidasa states that Raghu after conquering the
Sumhas, 730 defeated the Vangas with his force. 731 The Kavya-
mlmamsa mentions Vanga as a janapada situated in the east. 732
The Brhatsamhita also mentions it in the east along with Upa-
Vanga. 733 ,
According to the Mahabharata 734 Vanga, son of Bali, had
establishad this country. The AmarakoSa 735 mentions Vanga
as a synonym of Ranga (lead), but lead is not available
in Bengal and is found in abundance in Malaya, Pegu and
East Indies. People in other parts of India may have received
lead through the people of East Bengal. Susruta also uses
Vanga in the same sense as Amara does 736
R.C Banerji 737 , on the basis of the Ablur Inscription of the
Kalacuri king Bijjala 738 takes Vanga and Vangala as two dis-
tinct people or tribes. This view has been correctly refuted by
S.B.Chaudhuri 739 who concludes that Vangala was within Vanga
and hence was not altogether a separate geographical entity
as is maintained by some.
The confusion may be due to the fact that the geographi-
cal location of the Vanga country changed in different periods.
The same country Vanga was known as Vangala with the addi-
tion of the Prakrit suffix ( ala' 7 *o which was transliterated by the
Muslims as Bangalah (pronouncing Bangala) in their script 741
and this was changed into Bengal by the English people.
The Yadavaprakasa equates Vanga with Harikeli 742 but
the Kalpadrukosa, a work of the seventeenth century states that
Srlhatta is Harikeli. 743 The commentary of Yasodhaia on the
Kamasutra refers to Vanga as situated to the east of the
Brahmaputra. 744
REFERENCES
1. Fz. p. 879, col. 2.
2. iv. 42, 1; VII, 34, 11; 84. 2; X. 109, 3; 124, 4 etc., vide Vg. Vol. II, p.
223.
268 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
3. Atharvaveda, X.3.12; XII, X. 8; XIII, I, 35;
Vajasaneyi Samhita, IX.23; XX. 8;
Taittiriya Samhita, i, 6, 10, 3; iii, 5/7, 3; V. 7.4.4.
Taittiriya Brahmana, 1,2, 1, 13, etc.
Maitrayanl, Samhita iii, 3, 7; 7.4, 8. 6; iv, 6, 3 \ide Vg. Vol. II, p.
4. Manu, VII, 157 : srrofta 2 8.17
223.
5- 3rTR^>T 3.3.184
6. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 (2nd edn.), p. 202.
7. GJ. XV, p. 257; GJ. XVI. 276.
8. Ed. by T. Ganapati Shastri, 18.7 :
-PR ^ftMMd W3 *H'M<* FTcT: I
^nr^r *nf ^cFf TT* ^ftssr T^^nr 11611
9. Samarahganasutradhara, ed. by T.G. Shastri, 10.83 :
; T3TnTfl'^rrFT ^fa (9^ ? ) ST^ST^ i
T^: '?f^TR' y i H i ^ ^MNI <,i<^ TV^tn' II
10. Ibid., 10.84
=3"
11. Ibid., 10.85
tf^r^rar ^rTTn
^T'TT ^ flHH
12. Ibid., 10.87
Ed. D.N. Shukla, Hindi Trans., p. 108.
13. N.L. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2.
14. Wg. II Band (Volume), p. 363.
15. GJ. XXIV, p. 260 : GJ. XV, p. 257 : GJ. IX, p. 304 vide A.S.
Altekar, (Kzj 2 , pp. 201-202.
16. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 55.
17. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 34.
18. Fy. Vol. I, p. 116.
19. Yx. p. 150 Cf., IJ. Vol. XIII, pp. 88-89.
20. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 454.
21. Jx. pp. 77-78, f.n. 15; GJ. XXIII. 57. 'The grant in question
records that Anantavarman's grandfather Gunavarman ruled over
Devarastra, which must have been the kingdom of the same name con-
quered by Samudragupta, and is identical with a taluka in the Vizagapa-
tam district. Although it is treated separately from Pistapur in the
emperor's Allahabad inscription, the plate of Anantavarman indicates
that he was ruling over Davarastra, and Pitapur was the chief city of
the kingdom.
22. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part, II, p. 34.
23. IJ. Vol. XIII. p. 89
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
269
24. No. 28, LL. 2-3 ;
No. 28, LL. 8-9 ;
No. 28, L. 15 :
Cf. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 117.
25. L. 8. v. 11
26. L.9. V. 12
27. Ibid., verses. 11, 12
28. L. 9, V. 13 :
zft
, FTFJT
fcftr
TT^TT
29. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 9.
30. Ibid., p. 50.
31. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 178, L. 11.
32. Ibid-, p. 177, L.8. Cf. B.C. Law, Yx., p. 298.
33. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 33.
34. ^oq^ffarrar, ^Fcr^wtssq'PT: p. 236
, XIV :V. 19, p. 121.
36. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 183.
Dasakumaracarita, Chapter VI.
37. S.B. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 152.
38. Adikanda, Ch. XII : Ayodhyakanda X, Kikindhyakanda, XLI
39. I.I.I.
40. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 298 ; Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 152-53
41. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 298.
42. Ibid., p. 154.
43. Fz. p. 759, col. 3.
44. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 202.
45. Ibid., GJ. XXV, p. 265.
46. GJ. XV, pp. 129 ff. 'When the Mitakara on Yaj. I. 319 states
that only a king can make the grant of land and not a bhogapati, it is
obviously referring to the head of this large territorial division' vide Ibid.;
Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 202 f.n. 2.
47. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 202.
48. Ibid., p. 203.
49. N.L. Dey, NX. Preface p. i.
50. K.K. Gopal, JJ., March and June 1963, p. 81.
51. (Dx) 1 , p. 216, L. 6.
52. CJ. Vol. XV, pp. 104-117 : GJ. XX, p. 61.
53. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 243.
54. Visnu Pur ana, II, pp. 134, 170 :Dey, NX. p. 161.
55. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, pp, 24-25.
56. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 p. 104.
270 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
57. VII, 18.
58. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 p. 104,.
59. XIV, p. 119, V. 7:
60. i.ToiJjfNiflT, *T<<R*ftsEzinr: P. 235.
61. N.L. Dey, NX. pp. 161-162 . B.C. Law, Yx. p. 247.
62. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 248.
63. Fz. p. 997, Col. I : from fcf-f-t% to extend.
64. IV. 2.52-54
65. V. S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 37.
66. IV. 2.52.
67. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 497-98.
68. IV. 2.52-54.
69. IV. 2.54.
70. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 498.
71. A.S. Altekar, (Kz) 2 , p. 208.
72. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 23.
73. HJ. 1910, p. 195, 204.
74. XJ. No. 66, p. 45, ff.
75. ^-t<rfa%-%ftre>T sr*r. . .
76. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 219.
77. R.L. Mitra's S. 1878 : Cunningham's Mahabodhi, 1892 : Ex. Vol.
XII. (also his article inLJ. 1903, LXXII, No. 3, pp. 1-11) : B.M. Barua's
Gaya and Buddha-Gaya, Vols. MI, 1934 : J.C. Ghosh's article in NJ. Vol.
XXIV, 1938, pp. 89-111 :P.V. Kane's (Zx) 1 . Vol. IV, 1953, pp. 642-79 :
Sircar, Oz. pp. 224-30 : For a Chinese Inscription at Buddha-Gaya : HJ.
X, pp. 339-40. NJ. Vol. XL. Part I, 1954, pp. 1-7.
78. Rgveda X. 63.17 : X.64.17.
79. I. 14.4.
80. Kane, (Zx) 1 . Vol. IV, p. 645.
81. Ch. 112, 4-5, for story of Gayasura, see Kane, (Zx) 1 . Vol. IV, pp.
656-57.
82. S. p. 17.
83. Rgveda I. 22.17.
84. firoa- 12.19 :
Auinavabha is believed by scholars to have flourished between 700
and 500 B.C. : See B.C. Sircar, Oz. pp. 229.
85. Sircar, Oz. p. 226.
86. Ibid., p. 227.
87. Ayodhyakanda, Ch. 107.
88. V. Ch. 15.
89. Ch. 34.
90. Ch. 107.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
271
91. IV. Ch. 11.
92. Ch. 76.
93. XII. 87-88.
94. Vayu Pur ana, ch. 105 ff. etc.
95. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 224. Cf. M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 122.
96. M.S. Pandey, Bg. pp. 122-23.
97. Ibid., p. 121.
98. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 64.
99. Ch. 84, verses 82-98 : ch. 87. verses 8-12 : ch. 88, 14.
100. Ayodhyakanda, 107, 13.
101. Vayu Purana, II, chs. 105 ff : 'Gaya-mahatmya' : Kurma
Purana, 30.45-48 : Brahma Purana, 67.19, Agni Purana, 109. Cf. D.C.
Sircar, Oz pp. 225-26.
102. It has been discussed in detail by Kane in his History of Dharma-
sdstra Vol. IV., pp. 662-79, L.S.S.O.' Malley, Bengal District Gazetteers,
Gaya Vol. Ill, 1906, pp. 59-72.
103. fofnfqRTT ^f ^RT (?r) TTC-fV^ 1 ...
104. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 110.
105. Ibid.
106. *^TO*rNK D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 288, f.n. 5.
107. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 230.
108. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 107.
109. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. T, p. 25 : Law, Jx. p. 188, f.n.4.
110. JJ. XIX, p. 224 'YadavaprakaSa on the Ancient Geography of
India*.
111. Vol. I, chap. XXIII, v. 196.
112. Xy. p. 262, col. 2, see vfcfcfar.
113. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 106.
114. Abhidhanacintamani, 390.
115. Trikantfa&sa, 32.
116. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 pp. 106-107.
117. Ibid., p. 106 : UJ, 1896, p. 112 : LJ (NS), Vol. V, pp : 215-16.
118. Fz. p. 926, col. 3, Cf. Bharatavarsa.
119. S.M. Ali, (Ox) 1 , pp. 7 and 52.
120. 3.3. 56.
121. In the Vedic times we said, "*ft%*r WT^: WcP{"
See s-irr: (Cf. Summer) for year : "TTT frq-R ! srfasst ^T*nr*T: 9TT9^ft
f 2 5; ^o^nffaWT, cpfrrtss^PT: To 18. The use of
^ (^T?) is very popular now-a-days.
Vasanta was also used : 'qfrfa- W^
122. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 197.
123. XJ. No. 66, pp. 34, 54.
124. D C. Sircar, Oz. p. 197.
125. Monghyr Plate of Devapala, GJ., XXVIII, p. 304 ff.
126. I, 31,24-28' ............... fWTV l'
272 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
127. 99, 18-22.
128. III. 74.
129. Sy. D.C. Sircar, "The City of Krmila" ; M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 159.
130. (Dx) 2 Vol. I, pp. 604-06.
131. D.C. Sircar, Sy. pp. 275-76.
132. Ibid.
133. M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 159.
134. Vol. II, p. 642 (Pt. II, Pali Text Society)
135. M. S. Pandey, Loc. cit., p. 159.
136. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 196.
137. Ibid., p. 197.
138. D.C. Sircar, 'The ancient city and district of Krmila', JJ.
XXVI, June 1950, No. 2 : Abhidhanacintamani, V. 558.
139. ?rT-fa M ii i?\ * 1 1 cj tf -sNrr55nr% srf^r-frrFin n
140. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 9, Cf. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 114.
141. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 114.
142. Ibid.
143. GJ. XXIV, Pt. Ill, July 1937, p. 110.
144. Ibid., IX. pp. 278-80, LJ. Vol. VIII, p. 292; Dey, NX. p. 114.
145. Pali Lalarattha
146. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 287.
147. Ibid.
148. D.C. Sircar, Oz. p. 79 : Saktisangama Tantra, Book III, Chapter
VII. v. 55.
149. Qy. pp. 38, 152-53.
150. Fz. p. 900, col. 2.
151. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 114.
152. trfqfznp
153. Xy.p. 822, col. 2.
154. VI. 1.2 (Arthasastra); Manu, VII, 155-57.
155. K.K. Gopal, JJ. March to June 1963, pp. 83-4.
156. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 43.
157. No. 28, LL. 1-2. . .
158. Fz. p. 775, col. 3.
159. D.C. Sircar, Hz., p. 360, f.n. 1.
160. No. 52, L. 7
161. (Dx) 1 . p. 21.
162. If connotation is the same as in Mauryan period. See Altekar,
(Kz) 2 , p. 206. Rajjukas who may correspond to the modern Divisional
Commissioners were also known as PradeSikas.
163. (Dx) 1 . p. 161 : The word viaya means a district, L. 7 '
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
164. ra-fatn
273
&\ II
165. Ay. p. 141.
166. (Dx) 1 , p. 21.
167. PJ. Vol. XIV, 1935, p. 29
168. fgsn:^
rr^ft ymfa!^
169. PJ. Vol.xiV, 1935, p. 29.
170. See the inscription, (Dx) 1 , pp. 20-21.
171. (Dx) 1 , pp. 160-61.
172. Ibid., PJ. Vol. XIV, 1935, p. 29 : See editor's note.
173. Ibid., 'For a certain large division, the administrator is given as
his salary the revenues of a nagara. Anybody, therefore, who governed
a division in which Eran was an important city or even the Capital
city, with the revenues of which allotted to him as assignment instead of
salary, would be entitled to describe it by the term as svabhoga'.
174. (Dx) 1 , pp. 160-61.
175. Ibid., p 18, see also f.n. 2.
176. rrftf^or-rr^^ir-lT^tjr |
177. Fz. p. 232, col. I. In vernacular it is known as Er.aka.
178. Ibid. p. 496, col. 2.
179. (Dx) 1 , pp. 32-33, f.n. 7.
180. Aitareya Brahmana, viii, 10.
181. xxxiv, 11.
182. See Mleccha in the Chapter on the 'Names of the Tribes'.
183. Fz. p. 875, col. I.
184. Vg. Vol. II, pp. 220-21.
185. viii, 12.4.5. Cf. Sankhayana Srauta Sutra, XVII. 16, 3.
186. Airavata : from Iravat, a descendant of Iravat : name of a naga
or mythical serpent, Atharvaveda VIII, 10.29. Name of Indra's elephant
(considered as the prototype of the elephant race) : produced from ocean.
See Fz. p. 234, col. 2.
187. No. 35, LL. 2-9.
188. Fz. p. 1005, col. 1 : Vlthi is perhaps formed from Vvi : cf. I. vita :
In Punjabi language vitha means a place in between the two
things. Vlthi is that which possesses a vitha. We know the formation of a
street it possesses the row of houses on both the sides and place in bet-
ween is named as Vlthi.
189. No. 28, LL. 1-2:
(ll
190. No. 28, LL. 1-2.
191. BJ. Vol. IX, Oct. .1927, Pt. I. Earnest P. Horrwitz, Bx. p. 300.
274 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
192. Fz. p. 582, col. 2, V.S. Apte; Gz. Vol. II, p. 958.
193. ed. by T.G. Sastri, 10/12 : ed. D.N. Shukla, Hindi Trans, p. 1.3.
194. Baudhayana Dharma-Sutra, i, 1,2. 13 vide Vg. I, p. 336. Aitareya
Brahmana, IV, 17, 8 : Chandogya Upanisad, VIIl, 6, 2. vide Vg.
II, p. 141.
195. No. 43, LL. 22-23
(37) T (%) ^ TrF
196. No. 1, L. 20 :
197. No. 1, LL. 19-20
198. D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 193 and 195.
199. Ibid., p. 178.
200. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 205, L. 11.
201. Deccan is the anglicised form of 'Dakkhan' which is a corruption
of the original Daksjnapatha.
202. i, 1, 2, 13.
203. X. 61, 8.
204. Vg. Vol. I, p. 337.
205. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 52 : B.C. Law, Yx. p. 14.
206. Dey, NX. p. 52.
207. JJ. XIX, p. 214, Yadavapraka&i on the 'Ancient Geography of
India'.
208. ^|oi|4l^i^l, ^cT^^fftssqw,: TO 236
;: TTcft
209. i, 53, 7 : 58, 8 : 131, 4 : 166, 8 : iil. 15. 4 : iv. 27.1 etc. vide Vg. Vol.
I, p. 538.
210. TaittiriyaAranyaka, I. 11, 18, 31, 4.
211. Amita Ray, Xg. p. 47.
212. Ibid.
213. B. p. 285 note : p. 523
Tamil : Purai "house, dwelling, small room, Malyalam : pura
*house(esp. thatched house), but, room... Sanskrit pura ... cf. Amara-
KoSa, 3.3.184 gives the meaning of Pura as house, city etc.
214. Alois Walde : Wg. II Band (Volume) : Manfred Mayrhofer : A.I.
1953.
215. H.R. Hall, Tz. 1952, pp. 190-91.
216. A.S. Altekar, (Kz)*, p. 225.
217. Taittirly? Brahmana, i, 7,7, 5 : Aitareya Brahmana, i, 23 : ii. 11 :
Satapatha Brahmana, iii, 4, 4, 3 : vi, 3, 3, 25 : xi, I, I, 2, 3 : Chandogya
Upanisad, VIII, 5, 3 etc. vide Vg. Vol. I, p. 538.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
275
218. Fz. p. 635, col. 2-3. Cf. V.S. Apte, Vol. II, p. 1031 :
3TTOH JT 2-2.1 : STTOHSM^) 3 - 3 - 184
219. Samarangariasutradhara (ed.) T. Ganapati Shastri, 10/1 : (ed.) D.N.
Shukla, p. 103.
I
220. Ibid., 10/2, (ed.) D.N. Shukla, p. 103.
1 1
221. T. Burrow, (Mg) 1 , pp. 82, 86 : V.S. Apte, Vol. II, p. 1031 : full of
filled with
222. :=T anrtr 2.2.1
223. JT (3?^, ^.)3TTOvte 3.3.184.
224. BJ. Vol. IX, Oct. 1927, Part I., Ex. p. 300.
225. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 72, f.n. 1.
Pura originally, as the author of Mirat-e-Ahmadi, supplement,
says, was a suburb, or a place colonised by a Muslim king or his officer.
226. N.L. Dey, NX., Preface, p. 2.
227. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. p. 66.
228. Taittiriya Samhita, VI. 2, 3, 1 : Kathaka Samhita, xxiv. 10 :
Maitrayam Samhita, iii, 8.1.
229. Aitareya Brahmana, i, 23, 2 : Gopatha Brahmana, ii, 2, 7.
230. Vg. Vol. II, p. 141.
231. (Dx) 1 , p. 47.
232. M.S. Pandey, Bg. p. 116 ; GJ. XVII, pp. 310-27.
233. According to Prof. K.C. Chattopadhyaya, the vrddhi in Candra
pura is grammatically incorrect. The vrddhi is desirable only in the first
letter.
234. No. 17, LL. 3-4, verse 5 :
M* 1 1 M ^ eft:
235. (Dx) 1 , p. 80.
236. No. 17, L. 19.
237. No. 17, LL. 16-17, verse 29
II
238. No. 17, LL. 20-21.
239. (Dx) 1 , p. 79 ; B.C. Law, Yx. pp. 280-81.
240. (Dx) 1 , pp. 79-80.
241. B.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 410, L. 2.
276 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
242. No. 17.
243. XIV, p. 120, V. 12 :
<* T> ^fo'T* 1 1
It mentions that this city in South.
244. Pt. I, V. 48.
245. (CJ) 1 . Vol. IV, p. 99, L.2.
246. (Dx) 1 , p. 79, see f.n. 2.
247. Ibid.
248. Ibid.
249. HJ. Vol. XV, p. 195.
250. Ibid.
251. (Dx) 1 , p. 70, L. 5.
252. Ibid., p. 71, see translation, LL. 5-7.
253. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 319, L. 5, Ibid., f.n. 8 : Ibid., f.n. 9 : Sircar
translates :
as="The brahmana Devavisnu who is the son of Deva and be-
longs to the community of the Chaturvedins of (the locality called)
Padma in (the town called) Indrapura", Jagannath, Proceedings of Indian
History Congress, Lahore, 1940, p. 59.
254. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 319, f.n. 8.
255. No. I. LL. 19-20 : ^tt^H^fi-Jn^T^T^K^^iw^N-^Y^
256. Fleet (Dx) 1 , p. 69.
257. Fz. p. 166, col. 3 : Ibid, p. 167, col. 1 : We find the form Indra-
vat but in some cases (Ijlgveda iv, 27, 4 and x. 101, 1) we find the form
Indravat, i.e. associated with or accompanied by Indra.
258. Indrapura Indraura Indor.
259. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 318., No. 27.
260. (Dx) 1 , p. 68.
261. Ibid.
262. N.L. Dey, NX. p. 96, also see p. 95.
263. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 97.
264.
265. V.A. Smith, Gx. p. 302, Cf. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. (4th ed.),
p. 457.
266. UJ. 1898, p. 198.
267. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 39 : JJ. I, p. 257.
268. PJ. Vol. XIV, 1935, pp. 30-33.
269. Ibid., p. 30.
270. Cf. Purusapura -- Peshawar - Pashaur
There is still a small town named Karor in the triangle formed by
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
277-
the rivers Chenab and Sutlej.
271. E.G. Sachau, J. ii, 6.
272. PJ. XIV, p. 30.
273. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 50.
274. Ibid.
275. JJ. Vol.6, p. 53:
276. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 94.
277. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. p. 50.
278. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. Impart II, p. 36.
279. Ibid.
280. Wx. p. 74, f.n. 1.
281. JJ. 1, p. 254; Calcutta Review, 1924, p. 253 note.
282. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. p. 37.
283. $ Fz. p. 297, col. 1.
284." Pargiter, M. p. 279 : Chaudhari, Jx. p. 64.
285. Dey, NX. p. 111.
286. If two similar syllables come together in Sandhi, one is dropped.
287. Fz. p. 1261, col. 3.
288. H.D. Sankalia, Pz. p. 54; Boethlingk and Roth, 1282 : Abhidhana.
IV, 2386.
289. Pz. p. 55.
290.
291.
292. Girnar, Rock Edict No. 5, L. 7 (Hultzsch) p. 9 :
"'MliHl^ ^ ^TP^g, T I
293. frfcnj frfaw, <TO 68
TT TT^f^^ Hti
II
294. 6.2.4 :
295. 2.3 ; and 4.16.
296. 3.78 :
W5T
297. All. S.I. of Samudragupta (No. 1) L. 6 :
Cf.
GJ. I., p. 209.
298. yM4f|4fUn,
143
278 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
For the grammarians, see : Jy. p. 12.
299. Verse 782. Cf. 'Nandapura'. Bg. p. 135.
300. V.S. Agrawala, Jy. pp. 11-12.
301. VII. 3.14.
302. Mahabhasya, I. 1.2. 'Anusonam Pataliputram'.
303. KaSika, IV. 2.123. 'Ropadhetoh Pracam' : Jy. p. 75.
304. JJ. Modi, QJ. Vol. XXVI. "Ancient Pataliputra" p. 461.
305. GJ. XVII, p. 321.
306. Rock Edict 2, L.2.
307. B.C. Law, Yx. Satiyaputra, pp, 186-87: Keralaputra, pp-163-64.
Dr.Pandey in the Historical Geography and Topography of Bihar, pp. 136-37
writes "No other city of ancient India known to us had a name ending
in putra".
'The illustrious city, i.e. the city par excellence', Majumdar, Cg. Vol.1.
p. 273.
308. U.K. Roy, Lz. p. 93.
309. Watters, Vy. 11-87.
310. U.N. Roy, op. cit., p. 93.
311. QJ. XXVI, p. 462, f.n.4.
312. QJ. XXVI, p, 463 : There is some difference in the description :
see Vividhatirthakalpa, pp. 67-71 ; U. by Samuel Beal (1884), Vol. II, pp.
82-85 ; 'Legendary Origin of Patna', HJ. Vol. Ill, pp. 149-50; U.N. Roy,
op. cit., p. 93.
313. Bg. pp. 135-36 ; B.C. Law, Yx. pp. 249-50.
314. Vayu Parana, ch. 99.319 : GargI Samhita, lines 9-12; NJ. (1928 )
p. 401; UN. Roy, Lz. p. 92.
315. U.N. Roy, Lz. p. 92.
316. Ibid., pp. 95-106.
317. S.C. Vidyabh.ushan, Cy. p. 349.
318. V.A. Smith, Gx. pp. 310-11. Also see for further details QJ.
XXVI, pp. 464-68.
319. QJ. Vol. XXVI, p. 468.
320. No. I, L. 20.
321. GJ. XXIII, pt. Ill, July, 1935, p. 97 : B.C. Law, Yx. p. 182.
322. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p.36 : GJ XII, p. 2 :
B C. Law, Yx. p. 182.
323. IJ. XIII, pp. 85-90 : N.L. Dey, NX. p. 157.
324. GJ. XXIII, p. 57.
325. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 77, also see f.n. 15 : B.C. Law Yx. p. 182.
326. No. I. L. 20.
327. JfffcpT Tffk
see IJ. XIII, pp. 85-90. ,
328. IJ. XIII, pp. 85-90, ,
329. Ibid.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
330. TEresr. ^Tcf^f fl-jf, ??r>fT 43,
279
3TffnC JT
331. IT. XIII, pp. 85-90.
332. B.C. Law, Yx. p. 182.
333. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , pp. 113, 116, 132, 138.
334. Ibid., 113, f.n. 2.
335. Fz. 525, col. 1.
336. Agrawala, Jy., p. 65.
337. Fz. 534, col I.
338. Vg. Vol. I, p. 432.
339. Samaranganasutradhara by T.G. Shastri, 187; Hindi trans. D.N.
Shukla, (ed.) p. 99.
340. Ibid 10/79-81 : Hindi trans. D.N. Shukla, p. 108.
341. Vg. Vol. I, p. 539.
342. Hopkins, Jour, of the Amer. Orient. Soc., Vol. 13, 77, 174.
343. N.L. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2.
344. No. 44, L. I : ?cffer (H)q-3=EpRTzzrf ^
345. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 356, f.n. 2 Pancbibi may have come through
Prakrit Pancanaari modified to Pancanari.
346. No. 52, L. 28 : cf
There are two possible explanations : 'Between Cudamaninagara and
Srlnauyoga', or between the nauyogas (places for parking boats) of
Cudamani and Nagarasrl...Hz., p. 344, f.n. 4. The second explanation
is more plausible. If we take the first explanation then it may mean 'at
the town of Cudamani', the ephithet sri is then ill construed with
nauyoga. Moreover, we know from line 29 of the inscription, nauyoga
as an epithet for Pradamara. So nauyoga is the epithet here and
Cudamani and Nagarasri are two place-names here.
347. Fz. p. 401, col. I.
348. No. 52, L. 29 :
349. Xy. pp. 514-15 :
Pala-boat : It denotes the boats which are co\ered with cloth to
control the fast wind and thus this covered cloth acts as its protector
(pala) against the wind.
350. Fz. p. 243, col. 2-3.
351. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 289, L.12.
352. ibid : STT ...^j^-^r^cfsq'-^^-i'T^nir-^T^TfTrTr ^ (?r*r) (1).
353. From Y/^T to live. Fz. p. 947, col. 3; Ibid., Cf. crRTT a sleeping
or a bed-chamber, modern STTST for Hotel and restaurant, usually used by
Marwaris.
280 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
354. No. 40, L. 1 '
355. (Dx) 1 , p 257. Fleet translates 'situated at Ayodhya' which is
wrong. Vasaka is a 'place-name termination' here Cf. No. 5, L. 6 (ftwara-
vasaka), No. 40, L. I 'Anandapuravasaka'.
356. No. 39, LL. 10-11 : 3TRtEre-?TTH \*\\<W < WT:
357. ^n?fter^ 23. 7 :
358. Adipurana, XII. 78 :
TV^fta^
359. p. 24 :
360. B.C. Law, Yx.p. 67.,
361. Asiatic Researches, XX, p. 442.
362. Sarga, XIII, V. 79 : XIV, V. 13.
363. Loc. cit, p. 24 : Hemakosa quoted by N.L. Dey in his NX. p. 174
364. Pathak, Dy. p. 55.
365. Narain, Fg. Appendix, IV, p. 175; NJ. XIV, 402.
The other reading quoted by Dr. V. Pathak is :
Pathak refers to the verse as appearing in the Brhatsamhita, which is
obviously a mistake.
366. Cunningham, Sz. p. 405.
367. Dey, NX. p. 14.
368. Ramayana, I. 5.6 :
V. Pathak, Dy. p. 50.
369. B.N. Puri, Ax. pp. 12-13.
370. Ibid., p. 14.
371. Muktikopaniad, ch. I.
372. Dey, NX. p. 14.
373. B.N. Puri, Ax. pp. 14-15.
374. No. 5, L. 6 :
375. (Dx) 1 . p. 31.
376. GJ. II, p. 99.
377. XIV, V. 15 :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
281
378. No. I, L. 21 : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 35.
379- HJ., 1926, p. 229.
380. Diskalkar, Iz., p. 35.
381. GJ., XVII, p. 362 : R.D. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, p. 115.
382. No. 28, L. 25, V. 5 :
383. Fz. p. 373, col. I.
384. i, 44, 10 : 114, 1 : ii.12.7 : x.146, 1 : 149, 4 etc.
Av. iv. 36, 7-8, V, 17, 4 : VI, 40. 2 etc.
Vajasaneyl Samhita, iii, 45 : xx. 17 etc.
385. Chandogya Upanisad, VIII, 6, 2.
386. Vg. Vol. I, p. 244.
387. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 144.
388. Jaiminlya Upanisad Brahmana, iii. 13, 4.
389. Vg. Vol. I, p. 245, Cf. Baden Powell, Village Communities in India,
85.
390. iv, 2, 22.
391. Samaranganasutradhara(ed.)T.G. Shastri, 10/83-87.
392. Ibid., 10/79
393. Ibid., 18/2-4.
394. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2.
395. Pandey, Bg. p. 161.
396. GJ.XV, p. 71.
397. Ibid., II, p. 105, No. 74.
398. Sircar, Hz. pp. 290-91 f.n. 4 : Konow thinks that there is refe-
rence to the village Bharadi.
399. B.C. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p.' 108.
400. Xy. p. 312.
401. The reading is checked by me.
402. Fz. p. 396, col. 1.
403. It has been variously explained by scholars :
(i) Sircar, Hz., p. 337 f.n. 3 "The peak of the Himalayas"
(ii) Basak, : GJ. XV, p. 140. "The Summit of the Himalaya"
(iii) Sen, (Kz) 1 , "the top of a snowy mountain"
The explanation of Sircar is more explicit-
404. D.C. Sircar, Hz. p. 337, f.n. 3; Oz. pp. 217-23.
405. See note 403.
406. No. 36, LL. 5-8 : spfa sf fefT^lT^T fwrfqw...^^ I
407. Sircar, Hz. p. 348 : LL. 8-9 : i.e. No. 37 in the list.
408. Nos. 34 and 36, Sircar also agrees to it. Sircar, Oz. p. 218.
409. Xy. p. 373, col. 3, col. 2.
cf.
(for man) in Nepal and Kashmir;
(language).
282 PERSONAL: AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
410. No. 37, L. 8 : Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 348, f.n. 3.
411. R.C. Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, pp. 24,400 and note 3.
412. Oz. p. 218; Hz. p. 337, f.n. 3.
413. Xy. p. 300, jffcs (iffcs) =Tffarf1, Tftsff % T^pT ^T ^TFT
414. Fz. p. 631, col.' 2.
415. No. 43, L. 22 : <rfH$m- JTr^fispE T-frre-4) ^ H fcr (?%) fa f^rar (37) <r
416. Fz. p. 360, col. 2.
417. Ibid., p. 345, col. 3. The word gandhika has been used as the
name of a country for gaodika, see also p. 346.
418. Sircar, Hz. p. 344, f.n. 3.
419. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 493. 'Ambila-gramagrahara' is mentioned in the
Nandapur grant.
420. Ibid., pp. 493-94.
421. Xy. p. 17.
422. Fz. p. 6.
423. Sircar, Hz. p. 360, f.n.l.
424. No. 15, L. 5 : s^sfcr^ WR<% ^pr ^
425. (Dx) 1 , p. 66.
426. Ibid., p. 66 : CJ. Vol I, p. 21 ff.
427. No. 52, LL. 7-8 : <rfr?ftmq- fa^K (=ET)
428. No. 52, L. 27 :
429. No. 21, L. 7.
430. Pandey, Bg. p. 130 ; Bengal Village Directory, Vol. XXVII p. 166.
431. Fz. p. 887, col. 3.
432. Sircar, Hz. pp. 352-54. See the transliteration in LL. 2 and 20.
433. Ibid., p. 354, L. 20.
434. Ibid., pp. 360-61. See the transliteration. While in this inscription
it is clearly with short 'i':
No. 43, L. 2 *nft^Tfrnj, Cf. No. 28, L.3 f^^r^ : L-9, L.15 fcR=r-
Tft^ffcft; L. 7 ^ft^^ft; L. 12 =nrrft^ft: = (Hz/p. 360).
435. Vatodaka=Vata+udaka.
436. Fz. p. 914. col. 3.
437. No. 30, LL. 4-5 :
438. GJ. XXVI, p. 117, f.n.l. . X -H
Compare Agodaka (Agrodaka) on coins=Agroha :
Prthudaka=Paoha.
439. Sircar, Hz. p. 355; Oz. p. 218 : Sen, (Kz) 1 ,.?. 109.
440. No. 44, L. 2 :
441. Fz, p. 942, col 3.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
283
442. Ibid., p. 610, col. 2.
443. Ibid., sft
2.2.20.
444. Illustrated Ardhamagadhi Dictionary (IA) HI/528 :
Abhidhanarajendra, V. 729, vide Pz. p. 53.
445. Winternitz, By. II, 434.
446. Barbarians Fz. p. 638, col I.
447. fcftjpT ffe^t vft T^iniT cTqfa^: I
<Tf^R?T ||6ll
Samaranganasutradhara, of king Bhojadeva (ed.) by T. Ganapati
Shastri, Vol. 1, 1924, 18.6.; (ed.) by D.N. Shukla, p.99.
448. (Mg) 1 , "Non-Aryan Influence on Sanskrit", p. 384.
449. Dey, NX. second edition, 1927, Preface, p.l.
450. UJ. 1898, pp. 369-70.
451. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 33.
452. GJ. XII, p, 212.
453. JJ. I. p. 682.
454. Fy. Vol. I, p. 116.
455. Ibid., p. 116.
456. JJ. I.p. 682.
457. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145.
458. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 33.
459. Fz. p. 232, Col. I, Cf . faT*cFTT^ ^T q^tsfq 1 STTZRT Eranda seems
to be a non-Aryan word.
460. Sircar, Hz. p. 360, f.n. 1 : Fz., p. 367, col. I from Sanskrit
gosala=a cow-stall. Another Prakrit form is gosala see p. 303, col. 3 : it
has been used here to denote a country : GJ. XX, p. 60.
461. No. 28, LL. 3, 7, 9, 12, 15.
462. No. 43, L. 2.
463. No. 28, L. 18 :
464. No. 44, L. 24 : rn^
465. The reading has been checked by me.
466. No. 44. L.2.
r )
467. Sircar, Hz. p. 360, f.n. I : (Kz.) 1 , p. 117.
468. Fz. p. 914, col. 3.
469. No. 44, L. 2.
470. Fz. p. 914, col. 3.
471. V.S. Apte, Gz. Vol. II, p. 1015 : qrr*f ?re: 3^
472. Xy. p. 25.
473. Fz. p. 614, col. 3 : Apte, Gz. Vol. II, p. 1008.
474. Sircar, Hz. p. 342, f.n. 4.
475. Sankalia, Pz. p. 56.
476. Fz. p. 1275, col. 2.
477. Ibid., p.65, col. I.
284 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
478. Ibid.; p. 1003, col, 3.
479. GJ. XXVII, p. 13, see No. 32, verses 18 and 11.
480. Fz. p. 332. col. I.
481. Vg. Vol. I, pp. 210-11.
482. X.33.6.
483. i, 110, 5.
484. i, 100,18 : ix. 85,4 : 91. 6 : Maitrayani Samhita, ii,2,ll.
The wider sense of 'place' also occurs V. 2, 3: 45, 9 : VI, 47, 20
etc., and often later.
485. iv, 18, 5 : V, 31, 4 : X.I. 18 : XI, 1,22 : Taittiriya Samhita, ii, 2,1,2 :
Chandogya Upanisad, VII, 24,2 etc.
486. Atharvaveda ii, 29, 3 : XIV, 2,7 : Satapatha Brahmana i, 4, 1 : 15.16
etc.
487. Rgveda, IV. 37,1,2 : VII, 35, 10 : X. 66, 13 : Atharvaveda, ii, 8, 5.
488. Macdonell,K^/c Mythology, p. 138.
489. Dey, NX. Preface, p. 2.
490. Xy. p. 279, col. 2-3.
491. Ibid., col. 2.
492. Hindi and Gujarati Khera, Agrawala, Jy. p. 66.
493. T.G. Shastri, (ed.) 10/79 : for Hindi trans. D.N. Shukla, p. 108 :
^TTR^T f^rnftszf
494. Fz. p. 340, col. 2.
495. K.L. Lele, Studies in the historical and cultural geography and
ethnography of Rajaputana, Poona Univ. Thesis, 1962 , p. 84.
496. Vide, Ibid., see Paul Whelly, VJ. II, 37.
497. JJ. VI, p. 52.
498. Ibid., p. 45.
499. Ibid., p. 45 "These words mostly non-Sanskritic in origin,
survive in modern dialects through a millenium and a half, with very
little change in their form or meaning".
500. Fz. p. 1011, col. I.
501. We also find a kind of 'Sun' known as Lolarka.
502. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. pp. 65-66.
503. Fz. p. 775, col. I.
504. Xy. p, 690, col, I; p. 668, col. 3.
505. Ibid., p. 799, col. 2 : p. 636, col. I : p. 635, col. 3 Cf. Fz., p, 985
col. 2 : vilsla=a yantra or machine, bilala=a cat :
cf. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 93 : Vilala=Sk,. an instrument, a machine :
cf. bilala=a cat used as a totem or a combination of bil and al.
506. JJ. VI, p. 49.
507. Hz. p. 335, f.n. 3.
508. T. Burrow (Mg) 1 , 'Non-Aryan influence on Sanskrit', p, 384 :
bidala, birala ('Cat')i Tamil, Malayalam : veruku, Kannada : berku.
509. Cf. Vaidya-k$etra, ahead-
510. Xy. p. 378, col. 3.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
285
511. Ibid. , See
512. fromV^
513. Agrawala, Jy. p. 190.
514. S.K. Chatterji, Hg. Part I, p. 65. Yugma-setu for Jora-Sako.
515. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 94.
516. Apte, Gz. Vol. II, pp. 944-45. Cf.*^^: t^pnr:
517. See, notes 505 and 508.
518. Fz. 1003, col. 3 : Monier Williams, Buddhism, pp. 68, 81.
519. Sen, (Kz) 1 . p. 93 : Sircar, Hz. p. 343, note. 8.
520. GJ. II. p. 389. No. 311 : also see p. 369.
521. dHlfcvMT, Introduction, p. 47.
522. Fz. p. 871, col. 3.
523. V. S. Apte, Gz. p. 1036, Col. II.
524. Sircar, Hz. p. 345, f. n. 2 : JJ. VI, p, 56, f . n. I.
525. Ibid., p. 344, f. n. I.
Cf. Xy. p. 482 :
^fa*r=^fa qfTT STPT^R, fajTFT I
526. Sircar, Hz. p. 344, f. n. I. "
527. Ibid., p. 345, f. n. I.
528. Cf. see Pakka-vilala in the place-names ending in ksetra.
529 No. I, L. 20.
530. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 626.
531. H. C. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 453, also see note 5.
532. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 33, see in Kanchi.
533. Ibid., p. 39.
534. Ibid.
535. Ibid., p. 39 : JJ. p. 257.
536. Barua, Zz. p. 42 : Law, Yx. p. 216.
537. B. C. Law, Yx. p. 216.
538. Pg. p. 142 : see f. n. I ; D. C. Sircar, Hz. pp. 265-66, f.n. 4.
539. Pg. p. 142.
540. Cunningham, Sz. p. 500
541. Ibid.
542. Sircar, Oz. pp. 86-87 : Saktisangama Tantra, Book III, ch. VII,
V. 10.
543. Ibid., p. 87 : Law, Yx. p. 226.
544. Dey, NX. p. 87 ; Puri, Ax. pp. 85-88.
545. GJ. II, p. 353, LL. 48-49 ; Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 172.
546. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 172, see also f. n. 3; JJ. XIX, p. 214.
547. T^TsPTfT^Toqir, ^sf: *nf: S?ft 81-84.
548. B. S. Upadhyaya, India in Kalidasa, p. 63.
549. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 172.
550. ^f^TT XIV, 6, p. 119.
551. spTWfarraT, srszTPT 17, p. 235.
552. Chatterji, Hg. pp. 77-78.
286 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
553. Dey, NX. p. 87 : Puri, Ax. p. 85.
554. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145 ; Law, Yx. p. 161
555. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II. p. 33.
556. B. N. Puri, Ax. p. 31.
557 GJ. Vol. 6, p. 84 : GJ. Vol. I, p. 2 : GJ. Vol. VIII, p. 24. Cf. R.
Gopalan, Gy. (1928)
558. ---- for more details : Puri, Ax, p. 31 ; R. D. Banerji, Fy.
Vol. I, p. 116.
559. Puri, Ax. p. 31.
560. Kielhorn, (ed.), Mahabhvsya, Vol. II, p. 298.
561. Beal, U. Vol. II, p. 230
562. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, pp. 711-12.
563. 3rzft2TT TTT^TT ^wrsft ^r^ft sr^r-cr^T i
jft ?K3cft t^T *Tf3% JTteTCTznfn-: || ;See Dy. p. 52 note
564. IV, 19, 15.
565. III. 124.
566. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 712.
567. VIII. 38.8.
568. XII. 50 : jisfrj ^\<ft JTJT^T ^rs^ft jfK'k T^T^rfwt *T^T: I
569. Ch. I, 19-23. "
570. X. 79, 14.
571. I. 17.
572. Law, Yx. p. 161.
573. Puri, Ax. p. 33, B.C. Law, Yx. p. 162.
574. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 712 : Law, Yx. p. 162.
575. Puri, Ax. pp. 33-34.
576. R. S. Tripathi, Zx. p. 454 : Oy. 1936, pp. 304-7.
577. Puri, Ax. p. 34.
578. No. 28, L. 6 : TOft^fRifrnnro^*^
irof- 'T^^r^-ftr^Tirfw^Trrsrfeif^T^:. . . i
579. KaSlkhanda, 26. 67 : 30. 5.
580. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, pp. 624-25.
581. Law, Tg. p. 102.
582. Kane, (Zx) 1 , pp. 624-25.
583. Law, Yx. p. 46 : Vg. Part I, p. 153, f. n. I.
584. Law, Yx. p. 46. Banarasi or VaranasI was named so as it con-
fined the area between Varana and AST rivers : Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 60 :
Dey, NX. p. 95.
585. HJ. Vol. XV, pp. 138-141, LL. 9-10 :
586. Chaudhuri, JX. p. 61.
587. Pt. I, p. 72 :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
287
588. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 60.
589. Dey, NX. p, 95.
590. Puri. Ax. pp. 38-39.
591. Ibid., p. 39.
592. Ibid.
593. Kielhorn, (ed.), Mahabhasya, Vol. II. p. 413
594. Law, Yx., p. 47.
595. Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV. p. 624 ff.
596. Sircar, Hz. p. 265, f. n. I : Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 64-66 : GJ. Ill, pp
351-54 : GJ. XI, p. 184.
597. Sircar, op. cit., p. 265, f. n. I : Chaudhuri, op. cit. p. 64.
598. R. D. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, p. 115 : Dey, NX. pp. 103, 117.
599. K. D. Bajpai, 'The Cultural Heritage of Mahakosala' vide FJ.
No. 28, July 1965. (Ministry of Education, Govt. of India), p. 37.
600. Ibid., p. 39.
601. Dey, NX. p. 104.
602. Ibid., p. 104.
603. A. C. Woolner, 'Prakrit and Non-Aryan Strata in the Vocabulary
of Sanskrit', vide Kz. p. 70.
604. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 72.
605. Ibid., p. 72 : also see f. n. 6 : GJ. VI, p. 141, L. 21.
606. Sircar, Oz. p. 34. tfm?
607. sFTozrift*mTr SRTCWrsszrFT: P- 235
608. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, pp. 115-16, Law, Yx p. 167.
609. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I, pp. 115-16.
610. (Dx) 1 , p. 8.
611. Majumdar, Pg. p. 146, f. n. I.
612. Vizagapatam District Gazetteer, I, 137 : Law Yx. p. 167.
613. (Dx) 1 , p. 7, f. n. I. The reading has been checked by me and is
found to be 'Kauralaka.
614. JJ. I, p. 252.
615. Calcutta Review, Feb. 1924, p. 253 note : Cf. Raychaudhuri, Az.
pp. 452-53.
616. GJ. VI. p. 3, f. n. 3 : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, part II, p. 35.
617. Diskalkar, Iz. p. 130, v. 28.
618. Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 265, f. n. I.
619. Diskalkar, Iz. p. 35.
620. No. I, L. 20.
621. JJ. Vol. I, p. 685.
622. LJ. 1837, p. 973.
623. Law, Yx. p. 113.
624. Daniel Wright, Ey. p. 89 : Regmi, K. pp. 4-5, 11-12.
625. Dey, NX. p. 140.
626. B. C. Law, Yx. p. 113
288 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
627. Law, Yx. pp. 113-14.
628. Sircar, Oz. p. 77
629. Book III, ch. VII. v. 36 :
630. Law, Yx. p. 113.
631. GJ. I, p. 309.
632. Majumdar, Pg. p. 145 : Sircar, Hz. p. 265, f. n. I : JJ. Vol. I, p.
686; Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 453.
633. Law, Yx p. 179 : Pandey. Wx. p. 74 f. n. I.
634. Smith, Gx. p. 301.
635. JJ. I., p. 686.
636. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part. II, p.34.
637. Ibid..
638. Ibid., p. 33, See Kaficl.
639. No. I.L. 22 : ?T*re5:-^rrer-y TWT-?faT5HE rT/gTTfe-M & ^ HM fcrfir : ...... \
640. LL. 2-3 : r/cfufq- SR^T (*R*Rr) TlT
641. JJ. XXV, No. I, pp. 110-12.
642. Ibid.
643. No. I, L. 20.
644. JJ. XXV, pp. 111-2.
645. No. I, L. 22 ; ^^-^T^-^WT-^IT^-^Jlpjfes^^f H fa Br: ...I
646. Sen, (Kz) 1 , pp. 208-09.
647. No. I, LL. 22-23 :
648. Sen, (Kz) 1 , p. 209.
649. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 165.
650. Ibid., p. 166 : Law, Yx. p. 247 : 'It was so called because the
rivers in it had 'flat and level banks of equal height on both sides'.
651. c^%rT Chap. XIV, p. 119 v. 6.
652. Vy. Vol. II, pp. 188-89.
653. Ibid., p. 189.
654. Padmanath Bhattacharya, UJ. 1920, January, Part I, "To the
East of Samatata", pp. 2-3.
655. Ibid., 'This is the locality shown as Samatata in the map appended,
to Waiters' volumes by V.A. Smith.
656. GJ. XVII, p. 353 : Chaudhuri, Jx., p. 167.
657. JJ. XIX, p. 214.
658. JJ. XIX, Yadavaprakasa on the Ancient Geography of India
p. 214.
659. Dey, NX. p. 175 : LJ, 1915, pp. 17-18.
660. JJ. I., 256 : Law Yx. p. 257.
661. Law, Yx. pp. 257-58.
662. Ibid., p. 200.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
289
663. Ibid.; Majumdar, Pg. p.145 : Bombay Gazetteer, Vol I, Pt. II,
p. 280; Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 453.
664. Banerji, Fy. Vol. I. p. 116.
665. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Part II, p. 33.
666. Law, Yx. p. 200.
667. No. 46, LL. 10-11.
668. Sircar, Hz. p. 337, f.n. 3.
669. Sircar, Oz. p. 222. ,
670. No. 36, LL. 5-10.
671. Sircar, Oz. p. 222.
672. Maity, Ix. p. 38.
673. Sircar, Ly. p. 165.
674. Maity, Ix. p. 41.
675. Apte, Gz. Vol. II, p. 1000
*: ''''-"
Cf. MMKMMfefa f?F!jiT^f: ^f^Rnffcr ^Rs^nr ^iV^
Rgveda. 4.55.3 : 8*21.5
q^c^Tcjd is called a householder in Veda, Rgveda, I. 151. 2 : 2.11.16. In
the Kjrtikaumudl; we find the word q^c^ used for a house, habitation or
abode :
qTczf JnTT^T^T . . . Kir. K. (Bombay) 9.74. %, ..,,,, V ; .
676. No. 44. L. 2 ' oTrf^?rrf^^-f^^-^fV'f^T^ft;......r .r i,-r sxii'*
677. No. 1. L. 27 : ^%?-^%^-HHKTl-^'-si=<^^-'i|'JNftllT^HPl^Tir-^d-?rf^-
678. GJ. Vol. I. p. 93; XIII. pp: 17-27; XVIII; p; 51, verses 28-3^5.
679. Arya+avarta. Avarta is a crowded place where many ,meri live
close together or it can mean an 'abode' : Fz.p. 156; Apte, Gz. Vol. I, p.
356.
680. Kewal Motwani, , Manu Dharma Sastrcg VA;' Sociological and
Historical Study", p. 374.
681. Ibid., p. 374. I? .1
682. Ibid.
683. Wilson, Ariana Antigua, London, pp. 121-22, Jx.p. 133, f.n.L
684. Law, "Aryavarta" JJ. XXV, No. I, pp. 114-15. Baudhayana
Dharmasutra I.I. 5-6,2.9-10, 1.1.25 : 1.2.6,1.3-7, 1.8 : Mahabhaya on
Panini VI.3.109, II.4.10.
685. Law, JJ. XXV, No. 1, p. 120 : Vg. II, p. 125 Cf. Baudhayana, II,
2.16:
5TTM4^FnTcMcil c H>M e ti c HK4fT'r'T f^drfl^cF mK^i^^cl^T^WTi ^ I
cff? 1 ^ zr 3TT^TT: fl" HHI^I^ I T'*I R^ifKcl^f^c^^ I
686. II.2.
687. Vg. Vol. II, p. 125 : see Madhya-deSa.
688. Mahabhasya on Panini, VI. 3.109 : II.4.10 : Dey, NX. p. 12.
689. See on Kanakhala, Hultzsch, HJ. 34, 179.
"690. B.C. Law, JJ. XXV, NO. I, p. 121.
290 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
691. Rangaswami Aiyangar, Rajadharma, p. 50 : Sircar, Oz. p. 172,
f.n. 3.
692. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 8.
693. Agrawala, Jy. p. 39.
694. Manu smrti, 2, II, 22 :
-I
f*pff: STTZTcrr STT: II
695. TTsrsNr, h|oi|4)^mi, 3T5ZTT2T 17, TO 235 :
696. Balaramayana, Act 6, V.S. Apte's Rajasekhara, his life and
writings, p. 21.
697. Cf. (Dx) 1 , p. 13, f.n. 5.
698. Bhavanagar edn. p. 397.
699. TrsRTTf^Wt-^m
p. 14:5.152, 1.313, 1,341,6.87.
700. No. 5, L. 1 : No. 2, L. 2 :
701. Sircar, Hz. p. 281, f.n.3.
702. (Dx) 1 , p. 31 also see f.n.I.
703. Ibid., p. 31 :
(i) <T)T<?>wiT^ ^TT^^ft qT
"the measuring staff of (Buddha), the Divine one, at Kakanada".
(ii) "tfjfrsra 1 Tftftpprcr ^Tw^-q~*n*FTtf ^"tf^T-'ftcRr" :
"(the relics) of the virtuous Prabhasana of Kakanada, the Goti-
putra, of the Kaundinya gotra".
704. Cf. Dey, NX. p. 83 : Sircar, Hz. p. 280.
705. Cf. Xy. p. 639 :
706. (Dx) 1 . p. 31
707. NJ. Vol. XVIII, 1952, Pt. II, p. 212.
708. No. I, L. 22 : (Dx) 1 , pp. 8,14.
709. Jayaswal, 'The Kakas... their location" NJ, Vol. XV1IT, 1932, Pt.
II, pp. 212-13. P. 212 'Kakapura is situated on a river and a hill opposite
the village by the road has two square temples and a few Gupta Sculptures.
A large number of pillars and Sati memorials cover the plain in front of
the temple hill. Medieval inscriptions are also in evidence. They with the
temples testify to the continued importance of the place, from the Gupta
to the medieval period.
710. No. 22, LL. 6-7.
711. (Dx) 1 ,p. 260, f.n. 4.
712. XIV.V. 24 :
713. No. 20, L. I :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
291
714. Law, Tg. p. 265 : Chaudhury, Jx. p. 181 : though it occurs in
another earlier inscription (GJ. XXI, 85ff) but the reading is disputed
Ibid., p. 181, f.n.4.
715. Bajpai, Ry. p. 358.
716. Panini 4. 2. 81; Jz. p. 72.
717. GJ. Vol. V.
718. IJ. Vol. II, p. 755 : Law, Yx. pp. 268-69.
719. ii. 1.1 : Vg. Vol. II, p. 237.
720. i,l,14.
721. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 179.
722. Chatterji, Hg. Vol. I. p. 76.
723. Mahabharata, VII, 159.3.
724. Chaudhuri, Jx. p. 180.
725. Jy. p. 432.
726. IV, 1. 176-78 : Agrawala, Jy. p. 91.
727. IV. 1.4, Keilhorn's edition, II, p. 282.
728. Artha-Sastra (Shamashastri, ed.), p. 82.
729. IX, 23.5.
730. c 4.35
731. Ibid., 4.36.
732.
, <To ^o, 3fST
STT^ff fctf
733. XIV. p. 119, V. 8 :
3lT<l4^ I f^RT ^f 91 ^1 *t> m ^' =T ^ TH l ^' ^1 6 ^. I ^' I I
'Upa-Vanga iscommonly identified with some portions of the Gangetic
Delta'. Chaudhuri, Jx., p. 182.
734. snfort, sremzr 104 > ^rto 52-55
52
1 1 53
: n54
735.
2.9.106
P- 348.
In Punjab bangles are called 'Vanga'. Firstly they might have been
made by Vanga (lead). Sikhs still use Kara made of lead as a mark of
their religion.
736. Jz. Introduction, p. 47.
737. IJ. Vol. II, pp. 755-56.
738. GJ. V.p. 257.
292 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
739. Chaudhuri, Jx. pp. 184-85.
740. The derivation of Abul Fazl 'van ga+al (Sanskrit ali 'dike'),
Majumdar, Cg. Vol. I, p. 19, seems to be incorrect : Sircar, Oz. 'Bengal',
p. 132).
"The prakrit suffix 'ala' gives the same sense as "vat' or "am" in
Sanskrit : Cf. Jadala=Sansk.Jatavat : Jo-hala=Jyotsnavat : Sihala=
Sikhavat. See R. Pischel Grammatic der Prakrit Sprachen, 402, 505.
The term 'vangala' may thus represent Vangavat, applied to a country
inhabited by the Vangas. Also see Madhava Campu, 26. Vide Jz.
' 46 :
i *&r
I
741. Sircar, Oz. p. 131 .
742. JJ. XIX, X p. 214 ff. : IJ. VII, p. 411.
743. Ibid., pp. 219-20 : Sircar, Oz. p. 125.
744. ^ ^frf|cm^V, of Yasodhara on Vatas. Sutra (VI. 5.25, p. 294)
ed. by Damodara Gosvamin : IJ. II, 755 ff. Chaudhuri, Jx., p. 187.
n r y
Names of the Rivers
and the Mountains
THE RIVERS
1. Ganga (No. 1, L. 31, No. 13, L. 16) :
In Inscription No. 1 Samudragupta's fame has been compared
with the pale yellow water of the river Ganga, which travelling
by many paths, purifies the three worlds, flowing quickly on
being liberated from confinement in the thickets of the matted
hair of (the) god Pa^upati. 1 In the Mandasor inscription of
Yasodharman and Visnuvardhana 2 it is stated that when the
river Ganga was about to descend from heaven to earth, in
order to break the force of its fall, god Siva (PaSupati) received
it in the matted hair coiled above his forehead and projecting
like a horn; its waters wandered there for a thousand years,
before they eventually reached the earth.
In Inscription No. 13, we get a reference to Ganga in the
context of Skandagupta's fight with the Hunas, the noise of
which was heard like the roaring of (the river) Ganga, making
itself noticed in their ears. 3
A. C. Woolner 4 remarked that the name Ganga does not
seem to have a convincing derivation on the Aryan side. But
we do find the word in the Unadi affixes. The affix Gan
comes after the root Gam 'to go' and the word Ganga is
formed. 5
The earliest mention of Ganga is in the Rgveda. 6 The name
also occurs in the Satapatha Brahmana 7 and the Taittirlya
Aranyaka. 8 We find it also in Patanjali's Mahabhasya, 9 and
in Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa. 10 It is mentioned many times in
the Puranas 11 in which a good deal of religious importance is
attached to it. 12
The Ganga emerges first in the Gangotri in the district of
294 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Garhwal and proceeds in different courses from Hardwar to
Bulandshahar and from Allahabad to Rajmahal from where it
enters Bengal. 13
2. Hacata Gahga (No. 52, L. 31) :
We find the mention of Hacata Ganga in inscription No. 52,
but it is difficult to identify it. It may, however, be remarked
here that the word Ganga is to be taken in the sense of a
river. 14
3. Jambunadi (No. 37, L. 17) :
Sen considers it to be the name of a river. 15 It has been
described as the name of one of the seven arms of the heavenly
Ganga. 16 We also know of a Jambunadi as a vlthl in the Gaya
Visaya mentioned in the Nalanda plate of Dharmapaladeva. 17
4. Kalindl ("^o. 18 L. 3) :
According to the inscription in the reign of Budhagupta, his
feudatory, Maharaja Surasmicandra was governing the country
lying between the river Kalindl and Narmada. 18 Kalindl is
the same as the river Yamuna. 19 The Yamuna has got its
source from the Kalindadesa, a mountainous country situated
in the Bandarapuccha range or the Himalaya and hence the
river is called Kalindl. 20 In the Puranas we get the earlier
mention of Kalindl by both the names, Kalindl as well as
Yamuna. 21 The Kalindl is also mentioned in the Sisupalavadha
of Maga. 22
5. Narmada (No. 18, L. 3) :
The above-mentioned inscription describes reign of Maharaja
Surasmicandra, a feudatory of Budhagupta, as governing over
the area between the rivers Kalindl and Narmada. 23 This is
one of the earliest inscriptional references to the river Nar-
mada. 24 It is mentioned as Narmados by Ptolemy. 25 No ex-
press reference to the Narmada can be traced in the Vedic
literature. But the knowledge of the river is implied in the
reference to a chief Revottaras mentioned in the Satapatha
Brahmana. 26 We find from the Amarakosa 27 that Reva is
another name of the river Narmada. It is likely that the
name of the chief was derived from his association with the
river. 28 The Raghuvamsa speaks of Mahismati as the capital
of Anupa on the bank of the Reva (i. e. Narmada). 29 It has
been mentioned several times in the Mahabharata and the
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
295
Puranas. 30 The Visnupurana says that by chanting a mantra
addressed to the Narmada, one does not have any fear from
serpents. 31 The river rises in the Amarakantaka mountain and
falls into the Gulf of Cambay. The junction of the Narmada
with the sea is a sacred place of pilgrimage. 32 According to
the Puranas it flows from a Rksvat (a part of the Vindhyan
range) though some of them refer to it arising directly from
the Vindhya itself. 33
It is stated in the Kurma and Matsya Puranas that a man
who commits suicide at any tirtha on the Narmada or on the
Amarakantaka does not return to this world. 34 Several rivers
such as Kapila, Visalya, Erandl, Iksunadi and Kaverl 35 are
mentioned as falling into the Narmada.
6. Padma (No. 16, L. 5) :
The inscription No. 16 refers to a brahmana named Devavisnu,
who belonged to the community of Caturvedins of Padma of
the town of Indrapura. 36 The Ganga is also known as Padma
or Padda. 37 The community of the brahmanas mentioned in
the inscription might have lived by the side of the river.
D. C. Sircar takes Padma to be the name of a locality in the
town of Indrapura. 38 The inscription (No. 16) also tells us
that Skandagupta's feudatory visayapati Sarvanaga was govern-
ing Antarvedi or the country lying between the Ganga and the
Yamuna. 39
7. PalasinI^ (NO. 14, L. 16) :
This river Palnsim issues from the mountain Raivataka. On
account of the flood it had swollen. The poet, in describing
the scene says that the river had gone to join the sea. Palasint
is described as emanating from the mountain Urjayat (i. e. the
same as Raivataka). 41 We find another PalasinI, (mod. Paras),
a tributary of the Koel in Chotanagpur. 42 It seems that the
river was decorated with numerous Palasa (flower) trees that
grew on its banks. The flowers falling in the river must have
given it the name of PalasinI. 43
8. Sikata** (No. 14, L. 16) :
The river Sikata takes its source from the mountain Raivataka.
It is the same as Suvarna-sikata mentioned in the Junagarh
Rock Inscription of Rudradaman. 45 This Sikata or Suvarnasi-
kata is to be identified with modern Sonarekha. 46 The name
296 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Suvannareha (Suvarnarekha) is also met with in Vividhatir-
thakalpa. 47 Thus the first part of the river's name has remained
unchanged for about two thousand years. The second part has
been replaced by a new one. The exact derivative as suggested
by Chatterji will be a form like SonasItaorSonasT. 48 The river
was named Suvarnasikata because its sand contains particles of
gold.49
9. Sindhu (No. 20, L. 2) :
The river is mentioned in connexion with the description of
the victories of king Candra who is said to have conquered the
Vahlikas after having crossed the seven mouths of the (river)
Sindhu 5 ^ i n warfare. Sindhu in the Rgveda 51 and the Athar-
vaveda 52 often means simply a 'stream'. The Rgveda (VIII.
24.27) refers to 'Sapta Sindhavah' or 'the seven rivers'. 53 But
it is also 54 used in the more exact sense of the 'stream' par
excellence or 'The Indus'. We get a reference to Sindhu as a
river in the Amara-kosa. 55 The territories adjoining it were
famous for horses 56 and salt. 57
The term Sindhu was corrupted to Hindu in the old Per-
sian inscriptions of Darius I (516-485 B. C.), and to Indus by
the Ionian (=Panini's Yavana) Greeks. 58 The word 'India' is
derived from the river Sindhu or the Indus. 59 Taking its rise
from the snows of Western Kailasa in Tibet, the Sindhu first
flows north-west of Kashmir and South of little Pamir, and
then takes a southward course along which lay some of the
important cities of north India. Emerging from the Darad
high-lands, the river (Daradi Sindhuh) enters the Gandhara
country until it receives its most important western tributary
the Kabul river at Ohind, a few miles north of Attock. 60
The river Sindhu is mentioned in the Puranas along with
the Ganga, Sarasvati, Satluj, Chinab and Yamuna. 61
Vogel suggests that the expression 'Sindhor sapta mukhani'
may indicate the 'sapta sindhavah' of the Rgveda, i.e. the
river Indus and its tributaries. The term mukha would then
be not taken in the sense of 'the mouth of a river', but as
meaning a river-head. 62 But tlxc translation of the expression
as done by Fleet (i. e. the seven mouths of the river Indus) is
generally accepted. 63 The seven mouths of the river Indus
thus represent the points of its confluence with its tributaries
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
297
and not the tributaries individually as suggested by Vogel.
10. Sudarsana (No. 14, L. 15 : L. 17) :
It is the name of a lake situated at some distance from
Girinagara as mentioned in the Junagarh Rock Inscription of
Rudradaman I (A.D. J50). 64 The lake was originally cons-
tructed by the Vaisya Pusyagupta, the provincial governor of
the Maurya king Candragupta. Later on during the reign of
Asoka it was adorned with conduits, by the Yavana governor
Tusaspha. 65 The same lake was destroyed by the excessive
floods in the Suvarnasikata, PalasinI and other streams arising
from the mountain Urjayat. 66 By a breach, four hundred and
twenty cubits long, just as much broad, (and) seventy-five
cubits deep, all the water flowed out, so that, the lake, almost
like a sandy desert became extremely ugly to look at. 67 The
lake was immediately beautified with repairs by king Rudrada-
man. 68
Inscription No. 14 informs us that during the reign of
Gupta king Skandagupta in the year 136 (G. E.), due to heavy
continuous rains the Sudarsana lake burst out on all sides 69
and had the appearance of a sea. Eventually, contrary to the
literal meaning of its name the Sudarsana became ugly to look
at. 70 The lake was repaired in the year 137 (G. E.) 71 (=A. D.
456) by Cakrapalita, who was appointed governor of Giri-
nagara by his father Parnadatta, who was Skandagupta's
viceroy in Surastra. 72
1 1 . Vata-nadl (No. 43, L. 22) :
We get a reference to the Vata-nadl in an inscription at Kalai-
kuri, Sultanpur near Naogaon, Rajshahi district, East Pakistan
now Bangla Desh. It was flowing to the east of a village
named Dhanyapatalika.
'The Vata nadi appears to be the modern Bara-nai, Singra
lying about 10 miles to the north-east of its junction with the
Atrai. 73 It flews west to east through the southern part of the
Rajshahi district 74
12. VilasiniK (No. 14, L. 16):
The river comes out from the mountain Raivataka. Fleet
takes Sikatavilasini as an adjective of the Palas"im 76 but the
three, Sikata, Vilasini and Palasim seem to be separate rivers
as we find the use of the plural number in the case which
298 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
denotes the mention of more than two rivers. Hence VilasinI
is the third river in the context : the other two being Pilasim
and Sikata (Suvarnasikata).
THE MOUNTAINS
1. Kailasa (No. 17, L. 6 : L. 13):
In L. 6 of the inscription the poet while giving an account of
the city of Dasapura describes its buildings as lofty like the
mountain Kailasa itself. 77 L. 13 describes the mountain Kailasa
as one of the breasts of the earth (the other being Sumeru) which
was being reigned over by the Gupta king Kumaragupta. 78
Kailasa mountain is situated about 25 miles to the north of
Mana-sarovara beyond GangrI and to the east of the Niti
Pass. 79 The Mahabharata 80 includes the Kumaun and Garhwal
mountains in the Kailasa range. The mountain also known
as Hemakuta, Samkaragiri and is to be identified with the
Astapada mountain of the Jainas. 81 It surpasses in beauty the
big Gurla or any other of the Indian Himalaya. 82 Traditionally
it is supposed to be the habitat of Siva and Parvati. 83
2. Raivataka (No. 14, L. 16) (the same as Urajayat see
Urjayat) :
Raivataka is also mentioned in the Adi-Parvan of the Maha-
bharata, 84 the Vividhatirthakalpa, 85 the Brhatsamhita, 86 the
Dohad Stone Inscription of Mahamuda, 87 and the Jaunpur In-
scription of Isanavarman. 88 Its modern name Girnar was a
switch over to it from the city name Girinagara, i. e., 'a city
on or at the foot of a hill'. 89 Raivataka derives its name
from king Revata, the father of RevatI, (the wife of Baladeva,
Krsna's elder brother). 90 Revata is supposed to have come
there from Dwaraka and lived on the hill. There is still a
tank called Revatl-kunda near Damodarakunda in the gorge
of the hill. 91 The Gujarati Sanskrit poet Magha in the Sisu-
palavadha devotes the whole of Canto IV (verses 1-68) to the
description of the Raivataka mountain. In Canto VI (verses
1-79) the poet describes the occurrence of six seasons one by
one at the mountain Raivataka.
3. Sumeru (No. 17, L. 13, No. 32, L. 15) :
In No. 17 the mountain Sumeru is described as one of the
breasts of the earth (the other being Kailasa) and the Gupta
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
299
king Kumaragupta is mentioned as the lord of the earth. In
No. 32 it has been named as Amarabhudhara. Its other names
are Meru, Karnikacala, Ratnasanu, Svargiri, Svargigiri and
Kancanagiri. 92
Sumeru is identified with Rudra Himalaya in Garhwal,
where the river Gariga has its source, it is near Badarikasrama. 93
According to the Matsya Purana 94 the Sumeru Parvata is
bounded on the north by Uttara-Kuru, on the South by
Bharatavarsa, on the west by Ketumala and on the east by
Bhadrasvavarsa. 95 It is also mentioned in the Padmapurana. 96
and the Kalikapurana. 97 According to the Kalikapurana Siva saw
the summit of it. We also learn from this text that the Jambu
river flows from this mountain. 98 We also find the mention of
the Meru in the Sisupalavadha of Magha. It was on account
of the eminence of Sumeru among the mountains that for
praising kings they were described as 'Meru' among kings. 99
This metaphor may have been applied after the contention of
the Puranas that the earth is supposed to be like lotus, with
four Mahadvipas as its four petals and mount Meru as its
pericarp. 100
4. Urjayat (No. 14, L. 16) :
The poet here draws a picture : the lake Sudarsana looked
like the sea 101 and the rivers PalasinJ, (Suvarnasikata), etc.,
had joined it has if the mountain Urjayat had stretched his
hand with flowers (growing on the banks of the trees and thus
falling in the rivers) for sending his daughters to their worthy
husband. 102 Since the rivers emerged out from the mountain
Raivataka, it may be called their father as described in verse
28, but to avoid repetition the poet uses in verse 29 a synonym
of its name viz., the Urjayat and while making it the symbal
of father represents the sea as the husband of the rivers. 103
Thus the mountains Urjayat and the Raivataka are one and
the same. We also get support for our suggestion from the
fact that whereas the Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudrada-
man describes the emergence of the rivers PalasinT, Suvarnsi-
kata etc., from the mountain Urjayat 104 in Inscription No. 14
the name of Raivataka is used in the same context. 105 Fleet 106
and Sircar 107 are wrong in describing Raivataka as a hill diff-
erent from Urjayat or Girnar -situated opposite to it. The
300 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Vividhatirthakalpa also uses the names Raivataka and the
Ujjayant (Urjayat) as synonyms for Girinara which was sancti-
fied by Srinemi and is situated in Surastra (South Kathia-
wad). 108 In another inscription at Girnar (about 15th century)
verses 5-8 refer to the mountain Girnar by both the names
Ujjayanata and Raivata. 109 The Abhidhanacintamani of
Hemacandra also mentions Ujjayanta and Raivataka as
synonyms. 110 The Kap copper-plate of Ketadi Sadasiva-Nayaka
also refers to Ujjantagiri (Urjayat). 111 The mountain Urjayat
is identified with Girnar hill near Junagarh. 112 The literal
meaning of Urjayat is strong, powerful, eminent. 113
5. Visnupada (No. 20, L. 6) :
We know from the inscription that a lofty standard of the
divine Visnu was set up on the hill called Visnupada. 114 Liter-
ally meaning 'the hill marked with footprints of Visnu', Visnu-
pada hill has been identified with that part of the Delhi Ridge
on which the column stands. 115 But there is no mountain in
Delhi and the inscription appears to have been brought there
from the mount Visnupada. 116 On the evidence from the
Epics, this Visnupada hill is not far from Kurukshetra and the
Beas. 11 ?
REFERENCES
1. L.L. 30-31, V.9 :
r ; | j^r^r srer-asf <TST<T^ ^ di^ fjr-
<TZT:) (n)
2. (Dx)p. 152, LL. 1-3, p. 16, f.n. 3.
3. No. 13, L. 16, V. 8. The text of the words in between is damaged :
n
4. 'Prakrit and Non-Aryan Strata in the Vocabulary of Sanskrit' vidg
Kz. p. 71.
5. S.C. Basu, Og. 123 ^wreft: | <\\<\^
Thus Ganga, 'The river Ganges (is formed)'.
6. X. 75. 5, VI. 45, 31.
7. XIII, 5, 4, 11.
8. ii, 20.
9. Kielhorn, 1,1,9, p. 436 : 1.4.2, p. 670.
10. ^efur IV. 73 : VII. 36 : VI. 48 ; VIII, 95 ; XIII. 57 ; XIV, 3.
11. Sircar, Oz. pp. 38-39.
12. Ibid., pp. 179-83 : Kane, (Zx) 1 Vol. IV, pp. 585-96.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
301
43.
14.
The
(Kz)i p
15.
16.
17,
-.18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
"Salutation to Narmada in the morning : salutation to Narmada at
night : Narmada ? salutation to you, save me from poisonous serpents.
32. Dey, NX. p. 1 38, p. 4, see Amarakantaka.
33. Sircar, Oz. pp. 49, 56 : Dey, NX. pp. 168-69.
34. Kane, (Zx) 1 Vol. IV, p. 705.
" 35. Ibid.
36. No. 16, L. 5 :
Law, Yx. p. 78.
JJ. VI, p. 60, f.n. 2 :
word gang 'for rivulet' is still current in East Bengal. Cf. Sen,
. 95.
Ibid., p. 108.
Fz. p. 412, col. 3.
Pandey, Eg. p. 129; GJ. Vol. XXIII, pp. 290-92.
No. 18, LL. 2-3.
(Dx) 1 , p. 89 : Dey, NX. p. 85.
N.L. Dey, NX. p. 85- see Kalinda-desa.
Sircar, Oz. p. 39 note I, p. 40.
SisupalavadhalV. 26.
No. 18LL. 2-3.
Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 705.
Ibid., p. 705. , . J. M
XII. 9.3.1.
1/10/32 : ^T 3
Kane, (Zx) 1 , p. 703.
9T VI. 43.
Kane, (Zx) 1 , Vol. IV, p. 703.
IV. 3. 12-13 : ^<rrt TO:
TOT ftftr f
See Indrapura in the place-names
37. Chatterji, Hg. Vol, I, p. 67.
38. Sircar, Hz. p. 319, f.n.9.
39. (Dx) 1 , pp. 69-70 : LL. 3-4.
40=. See the Appendix -No. V.
41. Sircar, Hz. p. 176.
42. Law, Yx. pp. 245, 293.
43. (Dx) 1 . p. 46.
44. See the Appendix No. V.
45. Sircar, Hz. p. 176.
46. Ibid., p. 313, f.n.l : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p.8.
47. Vividhatlrthakalpa p. 10 : cf ^-^iftuiw % ^T,
"f f^T ^TT I
48. Sankalia, Pz. p. 51 : also see f.n.l.
4?. Ibid., p. 51, f.n. 2. : MiratI. Ahmadi, Supplement, 205, takes
302 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
note of this river. It says "Gold is deposited in its bed, but there is not
enough to make its working profitable".
50. No. 20, L. 2 : <facrf s^^ifr ^ 37^ favEftf^sRlT <?Tf^r,
51. i, 97, 8 : 125, 5 : ii, 11, 9: 253-5 : iii, 53, 9 etc.
52. iii, 13.1 : iv.24, 2 : x.4.15 : xiii, 3.50 etc.
53. Law, Yx. p. 8
54. Rgveda 1, 122, 6 : 126.1 : iv, 54.6 : 55.3 : v.53.9 : vii, 95, 1 : viii,
12,3 : 25,14 : 20, 25 : 26, 18 : x.64,9 : Atharvaveda xii, 1,3 : xiv, 1,43, etc.
Vg. Pt. II, p. 450.
55. anmrta p. 100 : 1.10.35 : p. 458 : 3.3 101.
56. Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, VI. 2.15.
57. smsfH P,321 : 2.9. 42.
58. Agrawala, Jy. p. 51.
59. Dey, NX. p. 186 : Law, Yx. p. 8.
60. Agrawala, Jy. p. 44 : D.C. Gangoly, 'Yadavaprakasa, on the
Ancient Geography of India', vide JJ. XIX, p. 217.
61. Sircar, Oz. pp. 39-40.
62. XJ. No. 22, p. 44 : Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 23.
63. (Dx) 1 , p. 141 : Sircar, Oz. p. 184.
64. Sircar, Hz. p. 176 :
L.I.
Also see f.n. 2 : Girinagara was the name of the ancient city now
represented by Junagarh (in South Kathiawad). The Sudar&na lake was
formed in the valley round the foot of the Girnar hills by an embank-
ment across the gorge.
65. Ibid., p. 177
LL. 8-9
66. Ibid., pp. 176-77, LL. 5-8
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid., pp. 179-80 : LL. 15-18
69. igzwi Sfa fr? =qTc^TTrS; from ^e^T and not suddenly
Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 312 f.n. 5, which is grammatically incorrect.
70. No. 14, LL. 15-17
The account of breach given in this inscription tallies with that of the
Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman I : Hz. pp. 176-77, LL. 5-8.
71. No. 4, LL. 19-21.
72. Ibid., LL. 8-12.
73. Sircar, Hz. p. 354.
74. Sircar. J J. XIX, p. 20.
75. See the Appendix No. V.
76. (Dx) 1 , p. 64.
77. No. 17 L.6 :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
303
78. Ibid.,L. 13:
79. LJ. 1838, p. 314.
80. Vanaparva, Ch. 144. 156.
81. Law, Yx., p. 88 : Dey, NX. p. 83.
82. Dey. NX. p. 82 : LT. 1848, p. 158.
83. Law, Yx. p. 88. The Kalikapurana (Vangabasi edn.)Ch. 14.31
84. Dey, NX. p. 165 : Pandey, Wx. p. 96, f.n.5.
85. Vividhatirthakalpa, p. 7, verse I.
86. XIV, V. 19.
87. GJ. XXIV, P.V. Jan. 1938, p. 216.
88. (Dx) 1 . p. 230, L. 7.
89. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 50-51: Fleet, (Dx) 1 p. 57.
90. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I. Pt II, p. 55 : Sankalia, Pz. p. 51.
91. Diskalkar. Iz. p. 55.
92. Abhidhanacintamani, p. 234, VS. 1031-32.
93. Mahabharata, Santi-Parvan, chs. 335, 336 : Dey, NX. p. 196.
94. Ch. 113.
95. Dey, NX. pp. 196-97 ; Jx. p. 87.
96. Uttarakanda, verses 35-38.
97. Ch. 13.23, Ch. 19.92.
98. Ch. 17.10, Law, Yx. p. 129.
99. GJ. XV, p. 346, V. 19.
100. M.R. Singh, MX. pp. 2-5.
101. No. 14, L. 18 :
I, L. 5 :
Cf. Sircar, Hz. p. 176, Junagarh Rock Inscription of Rudradaman
?flq if *\ q
102. No. 14, LL. 16-17, verses 28-29.
ZTT f ^cr^nfgfMfcrT [:]
: u29n
103. Ibid., LL. 16-17, VS. 28-29.
104. Sircar, Hz. p. 176, LL. 5-6.
105. Cf. No. 14, L. 16 :
106. (Dx) 1 . p. 64, f.n. 1.
107. Sircar, Hz. p. 313, f.n.I.
108. Vividhatlrthakalpa, p. 7 :
304 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
(TT) faw i
mi:
forftr
r firfrfrr fVgrey: IRII
109. D.B. Diskalkar, Inscriptions of Kathiawad, pp. 116 ff.
110. Abhidhanacintamani, V. 1031 : g>M^r<> t^T^F: I
111. Law, Yx. p. 300 : GJ. XXIV, Pt. V, January, 1938.
112. Law, Yx. p. 300 : Cunningham, Sz. p. 325.
113. Fz. p. 221, Col. 3.
114. No. 20, L. 6 ; srarfscfOTrq^ ft^ffonratft f^of^sr: ^Tfqrr: i
115. Diskalkar, Iz. Vol. I, Pt. II, p. 24 : Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p.' 140.
116. M.R. Singh, MX. p. 126.
117. U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 21-27, : Sircar, Hz. p. 285, f.n.4, Cf. Maha
bharata, III, 73, 8ff : also 103 ff.
^ T^TT iffir: ^^ f^f^: I... 95ft
Sliflft f^jft: 'F^TT^T 'TtT^'T, etc.
Ibid. III. 138, 8 :
Ramayana, II. 68, 18-19:
j /..'.-;;; , -.-'.
3 lii:--= ";:'.-"!"-.
:Aj5DOH-. aHA JAvi02;?;''I
00?
c;]j cJ wit) ?<;;*.:! 9i i-.rncluo
na gdlqgifijca TT . zed
Js!.i:rn}: Jsfts^ ,>!>:; ;-- c i .fii:- I .- -. rm
CONCLUSION
od : 'i!-r^ ?:'?
'-> 501 i
We have seen from the Place-names discussed earlier that
they were named either after some hero, just as Gaya from
Gayasura, Nepala from the name of "Ne" rsi, or after deities
just as Pistapura, named after Pistapurika goddess. Other
examples are Indrapura named after God Indra, Devarastra
named after some unspecified god. Some places were named after
number, just as Kotivarsa, Pancakulyavapaka, Pancanagarl. The
other category of place-names includes names derived either
from some natural surrounding just as Trivrta, having (good)
surroundings on the three sides; Vatodaka, surrounded by water;
Krmila, full of krmis or insects; Tumbavana, abounding in
Tumba plants; or from the name of a tree just as Va^agohall,
PalaSavrndaka, Lavangasika (the clove tree); Erandapalla,
named after Eranda plant. In some cases the names point out
the geographical situation, just as Adyapatha, Uttaramandala,
Daksinapatha, Daksinamsaka-vlthi, Vindhyatavl, Gosata-
punjaka, Airikina, Samgohalikagrama, Surastra, Kanci,
Donga-grama, Samatata.
The place names were named after Tribes just as Pundra-
vardhana named after the Pundras ; Vahga after Vangas;
Aryyavarta after the Aryyas; Kakanadabota after the Kakas;
Mulanagiratta and Nagirattamandala after the Nagas. Some
place-names seem to have been based on proper names, e.g.
Midu-vilala-ksetra, Jolarl-ksetra, Mahipala-ksetra, Pakkavilala-
ksetra.
The second part of the geographical names is a place-name
suffix which usually denotes the size or the nature of the
place. The examples are the suffixes pura, palll, rastra, rajya,
Prades*a, DeSa, Nagara, Varsa, Visaya, bhukti, mapdala,
nauyoga, patha, ksetra, gohali, puskarinf, vithi, pottaka,
pataka, padvika. We have found some place-names which
may be categorised as the abbreviated place-names. Either
306 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
the suffix has been submerged in the name due to the
prakritisation or it has been dropped. The examples are
Davaka, Kurala, Avamukta, Nepala, Palakka, VengI, Krmila,
etc.
APPENDICES
:T:-'A>:
i
APPENDIX I
A NOTE ON THE KING CANDRA OF THE MEHARAULl
IRON PILLAR INSCRIPTION
This iron pillar bearing the inscription of Candra was
originally erected on a hill called Visnupada near the Beas,
but was brought to Meharauli (Delhi) and was installed near
the well-known Kutub Minar. 1 We also know of the transfer
of the Asokan pillars from Topra and Meerut to Delhi. 2
Though many scholars 3 have tried to identify Candra of
this inscription, it remains a baffling problem. The generally
accepted view is to identify him with Candragupta II. 4
Goyal 5 has identified Candra with Samudragupta. His
argument is that the original name of the king was not Candra
and in his support he quotes Fleet 6 and Allan. His second
contention is that whereas there is no evidence to prove that
Candragupta II had any military success in Bengal, we have a
positive reference in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription to
Samatata, Davaka and Kamarupa as the bordering (pratyanta)
states of Samudragupta's empire. Goyal further argues that
Candragupta II had suzerainty over Daivaputrasahisahanusahis
who ruled in that region. He also points out that Samudra-
gupta had advanced victoriously to the south as far as Kanci
while Candragupta II can at best be credited with matrimonial
alliances or diplomatic activities alone in the South. Following
Majumdar, Mookerji and Agrawala he holds that Candrapra-
kasa, son of Candragupta mentioned by the rhetorician Vamana
was no other than Samudragupta and thus concludes that
Candra was another name of Samudragupta.
We cannot accept Goyal's view since his arguments stand
on a weak edifice. We shall refute them one by one.
Fleet 7 was mislead by the reading 'Dhavena' in line 6
which seems to be 'Bhavena' as suggested by some scholars.
310 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
A perusal of the passage does not leave any doubt about Candra
being the original name of the king. Allan followed by Goyal 8
describes it as a 'poetical allusion'. But that does not mean
that the king had any name other than Candra. The poet
shows that his name was quite in consonance with his qual-
ities. 9 It is no doubt a poetic way of referring to his patron's
name. We have a similar instance in the Mandasor Inscription
of the Malava Year 524 (A.D. 467). 10 Moreover, the reading in
line 6 of the inscription is clearly 'Bhavena' and not Dhavena. 11
We know that only a part of Bengal, i.e. Samatata was
conquered by Samudragupta; Davaka and Kamarupa being in
Assam, their subjugation does mean the occupation of the
whole oftheVangas. Gupta inscriptions are recovered from
Pundravardhana, Damodarpur and Rajshahi districts of Bengal
only after the reign of Candragupta II. Moreover, it seems that
the people of Samatata had revolted and were joined by other
neighbouring kings 12 and king Candra suppressed the revolt
with his force; eventually the whole of Vanga may have come
under his suzerainty.
These considerations apart, palaeographically also the
inscription was considered by Fleet to be later than Samudra-
gupta. Prinsep placed it in the 3rd or 4th Century and Bhau
Daji in the post-Gupta period. 13 But Sircar assigns the record
to the 5th century on the basis of the resemblance of the
marked matras or horizontal top-strokes on the letters with
those used in the Bilsad Inscription of Kumaragupta I (A.D.
41 5-1 6). 14 This consideration is very important, but Goyal finds
it convenient not to consider it since it goes against his theory.
Moreover, if king Candra of the Meharauli Pillar Inscription
is to be identified with Samudragupta and if it is a posthumous
inscription, there could be a mention of the performance of
ASvamedha sacrifice by him as is evidenced from his coins.
It is further to be noted that in the Allahabad Pillar
Inscription there is no reference to the conquests of the Vahli-
kas by Samudragupta, though the neighbouring tribes of the
Daivaputras, Sahis and Sahanusahis, Sakas and Murundas are
mentioned as paying homage to Samudragupta. On the con-
trary, king Candra is said to have conquered the Va"hlikas in
a warfare after crossing the seven mouths of the Sindhu. 15
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
3ti
M.R. Singh 16 and U.N. Roy, 17 however, identify the Vahlika
in the Panjab and U.N. Roy goes further to identify the Vahli-
kas with "Daivaputrasahi-sahanusahi" i.e. the Kidara Kusanas.
But this seems contrary to the statement in the inscription
that king Chandra had conquered the Vahlikas in warfare,
after having crossed the seven mouths of the river Indus. 18
So far as the conquests of king Candra in the South are
concerned we submit that it is an eulogy (praSasti) which may
be of the conventional type and may not be entirely historical.
The conventional claim is repeated by some later kings. 19 In
Line 5 of the Mandasor Stone Pillar Inscription we find that
Yasodharman (A.D. 525-35) boasts to have conquered the
whole country to the west of the PaScima-payodhi and to the
north of the Mahendra (cf. Mahendracala in the Tirunelveli
district). 20 We know that Candragupta II wielded a great influ-
ence in the south. His daughter Prabhavatlgupta was married
to the Vakataka king Rudrasena II. There is some evidence to
show that during the regency of Prabhavatlgupta, Gupta officers
exercised some control over the Vakataka administration. 21
Further Candragupta II arranged a marriage between his son
and the daughter of Kakutsthavarman, the most powerful ruler
of the Kadamba family in the Kanarese country of the Bombay
Presidency. 22
GoyaFs assumption that Candra was another name of
Samudragupta is incorrect. We have criticised it earlier on
linguistic and palaeographic considerations. Moreover, it looks
funny that the name of Candragupta I, his son and his grandson
alike should be the same. Utilising the evidence of Vamana
that Vasubandhu was the minister of Candraprakasa, the son of
Candragupta, Goyal quotes Majumdar 23 and takes Candragupta
to be Candragupta I and regards Candraprakasa as another
name of Samudragupta. But Majumdar himself strikes a note
of caution when he says that "It is not altogether impossible
that Vasubandhu's patron belonged to this 24 or a similar
local dynasty of Ayodhya". 25 We cannot associate Vasubandhu
with the Imperial Guptas unless we find any strong evidence
of a positive nature.
Thus we see that the arguments raised by Goyal do not
support his view that Samudragupta is to be identified with
Candra. In the absence of any other ; 'positive evidence, to the
contrary, the theory of Gandra's identification with : Candra-
gupta II holds good. 26
REFERENCES
1. Sircar, Hz. p. 238, note 3.
2. Ibid., p. 53, note. 1.
3. Goyal, D. pp. 201-9.
4. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 168-69; Sircar, Hz. p. 283, note 1.
5. Goyal, D. pp. 201-9.
6. (Dx) 1 , p. 142, note 2.
7. (Dx) 1 , p. 142; also see note 2.
8. Goyal, D. p. 203.
9. Sircar, Hz. p. 284 :
10. Sircar, Hz. p. 406 : Tn
M^^^^-srrf^ftnjFT: i
11. I have personally visited Meharaull to check the reading. The
letter 'bha' of 'Bhumipatina' is identical in form with the letter 'bha' of
Bhavena .
; Sircar suggests the reading 'Devena', Devagupta being another name
of Candragupta II (Hz. p. 285, note 2). But the view is not plausible.
There was no need of mentioning the king's name again since it is
mentioned as Candra in the preceding line and 'tena' refers to that.
Moreover, 'bhavena' here represents, -devotion of the king', the transla-
tion of the whole phrase being : 'By that king Candra, having a mind full
of devotion (Bhava=bhakti-bhava) to Lord Visnu, this loftystandard of
Visnu, was set up on the Visnupada hill'.
, 12. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 141 :
3%;ft ( s ) ftrfrrfec
If we do the sr^ir it will run thus :
(revolting)
'Whose fame of kneading back with his breast the revolting enemies
in Variga uniting together, was inscribed by sword on his arm'. It is a
poetic way of the description of the suppression of revolt. The phrase
suggests 'the enemies in Vanga had revolted
and had come to fight against king Candra uniting together with other
neighbouring kings who might have been afraid by. his increasing power.
Any such revolt was possible after the death of Samudragupta. g^fzra;:
MdlmKm suggests that king Candra himself had not gone to fight against
them "but he kneaded them back by the force of his' breast; the description
is given here metaphorically :
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 313
i.e., 'on whose arm fame was inscribed by the sword*. It is also a poetic
way of describing the victory meaning thereby 'who had won the battle
by the force of sword in his hand'. Or it may even suggest that he had
won in the battle but his arm was injured which is as if it was a fame
inscribed on his arm by the sword. It was considered a matter of pride
for the commanders and kings to have scars of wounds in battle on the
parts of their bodies.
13. Sircar, Hz. p. 283, note 2.
14. Ibid.
15. Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 14L
i
Fleet seems to have wrongly translated this line as 'he, by whom
having crossed in warfare the seven mouths of the (river) Sindhu, the
Vahlikas were conquered'.
If we do the 3F=nr it will be like this:
i.e., 'by whom after crossing the seven mouths of the river Indus, the
Vahlikas were conquered in warefare'. The king had not to fight for
crossing the seven mouths of the Indus since the inhabitants of this place
were already conquered by Samudragupta and were ruling in obeisance to
the Guptas.
16. M.R. Singh, MX. pp, 126-27.
17. U.N. Roy, Lz. pp. 21-22.
18. See note 15.
19. Sircar, Hz. p. 284, f.n.l.
20. Sircar, Hz. p. 419, see also f.n. :
21. R.C. Majumdar, Pg. p. 112, see also f.n.l.
. 22. Ibid., p. 170.
23. Goyal, D. p. 209.
24. A king named Baladitya has been mentioned in an inscription
found at Sarnath (Dx) 1 , p. 284.
25. Majumdar, Pg. pp. 155-56, f.n. 2.
26. For various theories and identification with Candragupta II, see
G.R. Sharma, J J. Vol. XXI, No. 4, December 1945, p. 202 ff,
APPENDIX-II
A NOTE ON THE NAME OF THE MOTHER OF
BUDHAGUPTA AND NARASIMHAGUPTA
In this connexion we have four inscriptions at our disposal:
(i) Nalanda Clay Seal of Narasirfahagupta (No. 47)
(ii) Bhitari inscribed copper-silver Seal of Kumaragupta III
(No.49).
(iii) Nalanda baked Clay Seal of Kumaragupta III (No. 50.)
(iv) Nalanda Clay seal of Budhagupta (No. 53).
In No. 49, L. 6, Sircar 1 takes the reading Candradevi for
the mother of Narasirhhagupta. It has been read as 'Srivatsa-
devi' by Fleet. It has been checked by me and the reading
taken by Fleet is found to be correct. The same reading is also
found in No. 50, L.6. 2
In No. 47, L.7, Candradavl is found to be the name of
Narasimhagupta's mother. Hirananda Shastri reads the name
as 'SrivainyadevI' but he amends the reading as 'Candradevi'. 3
Sircar also accepts 'Candradevi' as the correct reading. 4
In No. 53 Candradevt is mentioned as the mother of Budha-
gupta. 5 But Sircar takes the reading 'Sri MahadevI' though
himself considers it to be doubtful. 6
Now we find that the inscriptions No. 49 and 50 mention
'SrivatsadevI' as the mother of Narasimhagupta while in No. 47
Candradevi is clearly the name of Narasimhagupta's mother. In
No, 53 'Candradevi' is also mentioned as the name of Budha-
gupta' s mother.
These different readings have created a confusion about the
names of Budhagupta's and Narasimhagupta's mothers. In the
genealogical table Mookerji mentions 'Candradevi' as the
mother of both Budhagupta and Narasimhagupta. 7 Sircar
writes, "We cannot be sure about the name of Budhagupta's
mother ; but she seems to be different from Candradevi, mother
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 315
of Narasirhhagupta". 8 But the objection of Sircar is not valid,
as in the inscriptions No. 49 and 50 Srivatsadevl and not
Candradevl is mentioned as the mother of Narasimhagupta.
The real difficulty is created by inscriptions No. 47 and 53
when they mention Candradevl as the mother of both Budha-
gupta and Narasimhagupta.
REFERENCES
1. Sircar, Hz. p. 330; also see f.n. 3.
2. XJ. No. 66, p. 66, see the plates attached in the last portion of
the Journal; Plates VIII (c) and (d).
3. Ibid., p. 65.
4. JJ. XIX, p. 273; Hz. p. 339, f.n. 3.
5. XJ. No. 66, p. 65; The reading has been checked by me in Plates
VIII (B) and VIII (C) affixed at the last portion of the Journal.
6. JJ. XIX, p. 273; Hz. p. 339.
7. Mookerji, Ag. pp. 104-105.
8. JJ. XIX, p. 274.
-
,
: ; .' ' - -
APPENDIXHI
EXPLANATION OF THE PASSAGE "PAISTAPURAKA-
MAHENDRAGIRI-KAUITURAKA-SVAMIDATTA"
This expression occurs in L. 19 of the Allahabad Pillar
Inscription of Samudragupta. The compound expression has
been analysed in different ways by various scholars.
Fleet splits it up as :
Paistapuraka-Mahendragiri-Kautturaka-Svamidatta 1 and
translates it as Mahendra of Pistapura, Svamidatta of Kottura
on the hill. 2
The first inclination of Fleet 3 is to analyse the expression
thus: 'Paistapuraka-Mahendragiri-Kautturaka-Svamidatta' and
to translate it as 'Mahendragiri of Pistapura, and Svamidatta
of Kottura', but he does not stick to it finding difficulty in
accepting giri or glr as suitable termination for a king's name,
thinking it only to be used as a religious title. 4
G. Ramdas 5 takes the whole phrase to be one and translates
it as 'Svamidatta, who had his seat at Pistapura and at
Kottura near Mahendragiri'. This means that Svamidatta was
the king of both the places. Ramdas supports it by the fact
that in inscriptions we often find the king of Pistapura to have
been the king of Kalinga also in which Kottura is situated.
He also does not accept the name Mahendragiri as of a king, it
being unsupported by history or inscriptions. Bhau Daji 6
gives another rendering 'Svamidatta of Pistapura, Mahendra-
giri, and Kottura'. But the suggestions of Bhau Daji and
G. Ramdas are untenable, because in that case the reading in the
text, would have been 'Mahendragirika' in place of Mahendra-
giri.
As regards the objection that the termination giri or glr is
used only for Gosavls and not for kings, even in ancient India
we find people bearing such names as Himadri, Hemadri and
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
317
Sesadri 7 as well as the name Simhagiri, 8 all based on terms
signifying mountain.
As rightly pointed out by Bhandarkar, 9 in dividing the text,
the following two considerations are to be kept in view :
(i) None of the king's name is coupled with more than one
locality.
(ii) The name of every locality is marked with vrddhi at the
beginning and with, the suffix 'ka' at the end.
Thus the only correct division of the text can be :
PaistapurakaMahendragiri Kautturaka Svamidatta'. 10 i. e.
Mahendragiri of Pistapura and Svamidatta of Kottura.
REFERENCES
1. Fleet , (Dx) 1 , p. 7.
2. Ibid., p. 13.
3. Ibid., p. 7, f.n. 2.
4. Ibid.
5. JJ. I., p. 680.
6. QJ. vol. IX, p. CXCVIII.
7. IJ. vol. II, pp. 761-62.
8. GJ. vol. II, p.105, No. 77; and p. 371, No. 134.
9. D.R. Bhandarkar, "Mahendragiri, ruler of Pistapura", IJ. Vol. II,
pp. 761-62.
10. Ibid, see Bhandarkar's remarks :
"The vrddhi in Kautturaka clearly shows that the word giri preceding
it is to be connected with Mahendra. Again, if giri had really formed
part of the name of the country whose ruler Svamidatta was, we shall
have had Gairikotturaka instead of giri-kautturka. Secondly, it is not
necessary to take giri here as a denominational suffix similar to that of
gin or glr of Gosavls, as Fleet has done. It is best to understand the whole
of Mahendragiri as one name and as the proper name of the ruler of Pista-
pura. If the names of the sacred rivers have been adopted as individual
names among Hindu females, the names of the sacred mountains have
similarly been adopted among Hindu males";
Cf. D.B. Diskalkar, Iz. vol. 1, part II, pp. 35-36; who also very strongly
supports Bhandarkar.
-
APPENDIX IV
EXPLANATION OF THE EXPRESSION
"DAIVAPUTRASAHISAHANUSAHI"
Scholars do not agree in their views about the explanation
of the expression 'Daivaputrasahisahanusahi' mentioned in line
23 of Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta. Daivapu-
tras along with Sahis, ahanusahis, Sakas, and Murundas, and
the people of Sirhhala and all (other) islands are said to have
acknowledged the suzerainty of Samudragupta by rendering to
him all kind of service (seva) such as coming to the emperor
personally (atmanivedana) gifts of maidens (Kanyopayana),
presents (dana) and application (yacana) for charters bearing
the Imperial Gupta Garuda seal (Garutmadanka) by which
they would not be disturbed in the enjoyment (bhukti) and
administration (sasana) of their respective territories (svavisaya). 1
Fleet, V.A. Smith and Allan split 'daivaputra-sahi-sahanu-
sahi' into three different titles denoting three different princes, 2
who might have been rulers of three smaller states into which
the Kusana empire was divided, each one of them appropriat-
ing one of the titles for himself. 3 But Majumdar, 4 Bhandarkar, 5
Sircar 6 and Raychaudhuri 7 take 'Daivaputra-sahi-sahanusahi'
to indicate one Kusana ruler.
Goyal 8 raises the objection that there was no Kusana ruler
so powerful in the third quarter of the fourth century A. D., to
whom could be attributed such a great title as 'daivaputrasahi-
sahanusahi'. He divides the whole expression into two parts
*daivaputrasahi' and 'sahanusahi' to denote two powers.
According to him, the former is to be identified with the
Kidara Kusana king and the latter with Shahpur II, the Sas-
sanian Sahan&ih. His contention is that the word Devaputra
has not been used as a title, its taddhita form shows that it is
an adjective to the next word sShi.
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
319
Buddha Prakash 9 gives new suggestion that the whole ex-
pression *daivaputrasahisahanusahi' denotes a Persian king.
His assertion is that the Kusanas had lost their importance and
independence by that time by allying themselves with the
Persians; this is clear from Kalidasa, who in referring to the
North-Western conquests of Raghu, does not mention the
Sakas but refers only to the Persians. 10 Moreover, in the Kusana
records Sahanusahi has never been used as the imperial title of
the Kusanas and has been a title exclusively employed by the
Sassanian sovereigns. He thus takes 'devaputra' to stand for the
Kusana king of the Indus valley and Kasmeremandala and
Sahanusahi for the Sassanian emperor Shahpur II (A.D. 309-379)
and concludes that, the mention of 'devaputrasahanusahi' to-
gether suggests an alliance of the Kusanas with the Sassanians,
cemented by the marriage between the Kusana princes and
Hormizd II (A.D. 302-309 ). n
The contention of Dr. Buddha Prakash is unacceptable. He
neglects the word 'Sahi' occurring between Daivaputra and
Sahanusahi. Moreover, he takes into his account the word
'Devaputra' but does not consider the form of Daivaputra. 12 It
may be noted that the word 'Shahi' has been indiscriminately
used by the Kusanas, the Hunas and by the kings of Kabul,
Turks as well as Hindu kings of the brahmana clan. 13
The suggestion of Goyal may likewise be dismissed. In
interpreting the expression we have to keep in our view the
following considerations :
(i) It is to be noted that -Daivaputra' in itself is an independ-
ent word and its taddhita form denotes those 'who belong
to Devaputra', i.e. Kaniska 14 (The Kusanas used Devaputra
as their title).
(ii) Sahi stands for the Persians or a sub-branch of the Kusa-
nas; 15 and
(iii) Sahanusahi for the Sassanians.
Moreover, the context does not suggest any particular referen-
ce to any king by name. Here we have an enumeration of tribes,
viz., the Daivaputras, the Sahis, the Sahanusahis, the Sakas
and the Murundas. 16
From the Jain legend Kalakdcaryakathdnaka we know :
"The Saka king who lived on the other side of the Indus used
320 . PERSONAL ^\Nl>T<}10QQRAPIrCAL NAMES
tfie ti|le Sahanusahi, while &is feudatories ; were\ simply styled
ahis" 17 Chattopadhyaya states that the. Saka& never used the;
title of Sahanusahi which was : mainly a Rusana title* Whatever;
may be the truth, but it supports our assertion - $hat the Sahis
and the Sahanusahis .were two separate entities and not one.
From tfte study of Kushano-Sassanian Coins, we know that these
a^e the money of the Sassanid prince-governors of Bactria, who
bore the title Kusanshah. 18 It is possible that these Sassanians
who had submitted to Samudragupta; might have reared their
head after his death and were later subjugated again :by Cand-
ragupta II, if we believe the evidence of the Meharaiill Iron
Pillar Inscription of Candra is relegated to. Candragupta II.
REFERENCES
{' "
1. No. 1, LL. 23-24; t^d N I f^Nl ^1 4^ I f^-9T^ ^"5: %^r^rf?fe
2. Pandey, Wx. p. 75, f.n. 4; Fleet, (Dx) 1 , p. 14.
3. Majumdar, Pg. p. 147.
4. Ibid.
- 5. JJ. I. , p. 259 : 'It is forgotten, that the initial word is not 'Deva-
putra, but Daivaputra' a taddhita form, which shows that the term cannot
stand by itself and must be taken along with what follows. The whole
expression corresponds with the full royal insignia 'Daivaputra-maharaja-
rajatiraja' of the later great Kuanas.
6. Sircar, Hz. p. 266, f.n.l.
7. Raychaudhuri, Az. p. 460
8. Goyal, D. 176-77.
. 9. IJ. Vol. XIII, p. 85, 'The political Geography of India on the eve
of Gupta Ascendency', pp. 85-90.
10. Raghuvamsa,IV 60.
11. Buddha Prakash, IJ. Vol. XIII, p. 85.
12. P.L. Gupta, Sx. pp. 267-69; D.B. Pandey, Ng. pp. 46-49 and 52.
13. D.B. Pandey, Ng. pp. 46-48.
14. Jz. p. 60, Panini, 4/1/85
15. H.C. Raychaudhuri, Az. (ed. 1972), p. 408; D.C. Sircar, Hz. pp.
138-39.
16. No. 1, LL. 23-24
17. Sudhakar, Chattopadhyaya, Hx. 70.
18. Mg. p. 81
APPENDIX V
THE RIVERS OF JUNAGARH
The names of the rivers, mentioned in the Junagarh Inscrip-
tion of Skandagupta, as issuing from the mountain Raivataka 1
or Urjayat 2 have been disputed. Fleet explains 'Pala&nlyam
Sikatavilasinl' as 'Palasinl, beautiful with (its) sandy stretches'. 3
D.C. Sircar takes Sikata to be Suvarnasikata which is the same
as modern Sonarekha. 4 R.B. Pandey regards Sikata to be the
same Suvarnasikata mentioned in the Junagarh Inscription of
Rudradaman and as identical with Suvarnarekha which flows
at the foot of Girnar hill. 5 H.D. Sankalia while discussing the
names of mountains Girinagara, Urjayat and Raivataka, and
the rivers at Junagarh does not consider these disputed lines of
the Junagarh Inscription of Skandagupta. He only discusses
Suvarnasikata and Palasim on the basis of the Junagarh In-
scription of Rudradaman I. 6
Those who disagree with Fleet's interpretation that 'Sikata-
vilasim' is an adjective of Palasinl and take Sikata to refer to
Suvarnasikata, neglect the word Vilasini. Evidently VilasinI is
the name of a third river. The construction is also in plural. The
composer of the inscription is naming all the rivers of the area
which had gone to meet their husband, the ocean,, in due accord-
ance with the scriptures. 7 The Gujarati Sanskrit poet Magha r
in describing the Raivataka mountain gives a similar account
of these rivers in the rainy season. 8
In the accompanying map besides the two rivers Ojat and
Uben on the sides of Junagarh, we find the river Fuljar and a
number of streams, viz., Nonpuria, Sonrakhi, Lotus and Fuljar.
Sonrakhi is evidently Suvarnarekha, Fuljar may be the river
Palasinl and the Lotus may be equated with Vilasini. The
river Ojat has some resemblance with the mountain Urjayat.
The rivers due to the flood caused by excessive rains had
322
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
323
combined into one; with the flowers fallen from trees growing
on the banks of these rivers, it looked as if a hand decorated
with flowers was stretched by the mountain Raivataka desirous
of appropriating the wives of the mighty ocean, having noticed
the great bewilderment of the Sea caused by the excess of rain. 9
Fleet's rendering of the passage 10 does not seem to be appro-
priate. The line 'aneka-tlrantaja-puspa-sobhito nadlmayo hasta
iva prasaritah' shows that here is a reference to a group of many
rivers and not to one river alone.
REFERENCES
1. Sircar, Hz. p. 313.
L. 16
2. Ibid., p. 176.
LL. 5-6 :
3. (Dx) 1 , p. 64.
4. Sircar, Hz. p. 313, f.n.l.
5. Pandey, Wx. p. 97, f.n.l.
6. Sankalia, Pz. pp. 50-51.
7. Sircar, Hz.
L. 16 : ^qr?^r ^rr
8. Sisupalavadha, W. 47.
9. Sircar, Hz. p. 313.
v. 29 :
T^MMfitTl ^M Mtllivn. II
10. (Dx) 1 , p. 64. "(and) having noticed the great bewilderment caused
by the excess of rain, (the mountain) Urjayat, desirous of appropriating
the wives of the mighty ocean, stretched forth as it were a hand, consis-
ting of the river (PalasinI), decorated with the numerous flowers that
grew on the edges of (its) banks."
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Siddiqi, S.I. : "Physiographic History of the Ghaggar Plain"
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Vol. I, Patiala, 1976.
Singh, K.N. : "Evolution of Early Medieval Political Cultural
Regions and Urban Foci in Eastern U.P. A Study in
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Singh, M.M. : Life in North-Eastern India in Pre-Mauryan
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Singh, M.R. : Geographical Data in the Early Puranas,
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Singh, R.L. : "Evolution of Settlements in the Middle Ganga
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Singh, Yogendra : Modernization of Indian Tradition, Delhi,
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IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 349
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Punjab" Visveshwaranand Indological Journal, Vol. V,
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Thakur, Umakanta : "The Holy Places of West India as men-
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: 'The Birth-place of Yajnavalkya, Vishveshwaranand
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Thomas, P.J. : "Roman Trade Centres in Malabar Coast"
Journal of 'the Madras Geographical Association, 1962,
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Tod, James : Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vols. land
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Tozer, H.F. : A History of Ancient Geography, Cambridge,
1935.
Tripathi, M.P. : Development of Geographic Knowledge in
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Tripathi, R.S. : History of Ancient India, Varanasi, 1960.
Tripathi, Vibha : The Painted Grey Ware, Delhi, 1976.
Trivedi, H.V. : ''Studies In Ancient Geography" Indian His-
torical Quarterly, Vol. X, 1934.
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Trivedi, H.V. : "The Geography of Kautelya" Indian Culture,
Vol. I., No. 2.
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Varma, Siddheshwar : "Social Phraseology in North- West
Himalayan Indo-Aryan Languages" Vishveshwaranand
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Vasu, S.C. : The Siddhanta-Kaumudiof Bhattoji Dikshita, Vara-
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Vidyabhushana, S.C. : The Licchavi Race of Ancient India,
1902.
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Vidyarthi, L.P. and B.K. Rai : The Tribal Culture of India,
Delhi, 1977.
Vidyarthi, L.P. : Rise of Anthropology In India, 2 Volumes,
Delhi, 1978.
Viney Kumar : "Identification of Gauda in the Gaudavaho"
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Vishva Bandhu : "Indological Studies in India A Retrospect
352 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
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Viyogi, M.L.M. : Jataka Kalina Bharatiya Samskrti, Patna, 1958.
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Researches, 1822, 14.
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Wood Earnest and Subrahmanyam : Garuda Purana, Transla-
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Yule, H. : "Geography of Ibn Battuta's Travels of India"
Indian Antiquary, 1874.
Yun-Hua, Jan : * 'Korean Record on Varanasi," Vishveshwara-
nand Indological Journal, Vol. IV, 1966, pp. 264-72.
Zeuner, F. : Stone Age and Pleistocene Chronology in Gujarat,
Poona, 1950.
A Survey of Research In Geography, (A Project sponsored by
the Indian Council of Social Science Research),
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Besides the above-mentioned works, Grierson's Volumes on
the Linguistic Survey of India, Archaeological Survey,
Annual Reports and the District Gazetteers contain useful
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 353
material for the study of the Ancient Geography of India.
C. Works on Epigraphy
Boyer, A.M., E.J. Rapson and E. Senart : Kharosthi Inscrip-
tions, Part I, 1920, Part II, 1927.
Dani, A.H. : Indian Palaeography, Oxford, 1963.
Diskalkar, D.B. : Inscriptions of Kathiawad, Bombay.
: Selections from Sanskrit Inscriptions, Vol. I, Part II,
Rajkot.
Fleet, John Faithful : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol.
Ill, Varanasi, 1963.
Hultzsch, E. : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II, Ins-
Inscription of Asoka, Madras, 1925.
Konow, Sten : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. II,
Kharosthi Inscriptions, Calcutta, 1929.
Mirashi, V.V. : Inscriptions of the Kalachuri Chedi Era,
Ootacamund, 1955.
Pandey, R.B. : Historical and Literary Inscriptions, Varanasi,
1962.
Rapson, E.J. and P.S. Noble : #/z<m>5//?f Inscriptions, Part III,
London, 1929.
Sen, B.C. : Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of
Bengal, Calcutta, 1942.
Sircar, D.C. : Select Inscriptions, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1965.
: Indian Epigraphical Glossary, Varanasi, 1966.
: Indian Epigraphy, Varanasi, 1965.
: Inscriptions of Asoka, Delhi, 1967.
Upadhyaya, Vasudeva : Pracina Bharatiya Abhilekhon Ka
Adhyayana, Varanasi, 1961.
Upasaka, C.S. : The History and Palaeography of Mauryan
Brahml Script, Patna, 1960.
D. Lexicons
Abhidhdnacintdmani of Hemacandracarya : Bhavnagar ; Veer
Era, 2441.
Amarakosa : Haragovinda Shastri (ed.), Banaras, 1968.
Concise Oxford Dictionary : H.W. Fowler and F.G. Fowler
London, 1959.
Concise Etymological Sanskrit Dictionary : Manfred Mayrhofer ;
354 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Heidelberg, 1953.
Dictionary of Pali Proper Narms : G.P. Malalasekera, 2 Vols.,
London, 1960.
Dravidian Etymological Dictionary : T. Burrow and Emeneau,
Oxford, 1961.
Haldyudhakosa : Jayasankara Joshi (ed.), Publication Bureau,
U.P., Lucknow.
Pdia-Sadda-Mahannavo : V.S Agrawala (ed.), and Malavanie,
Varanasi, 1963.
Sadbakalpadruma : Varada Prasad Vasu (ed.), Varanasi, 1961.
Sanskrit-English Dictionary : V.S. Apte, Poona, 1967.
: Monier Williams, Varanasi, 1963.
Trikdndasesa of Purusottamadeva, Bombay, 1916.
Vdcaspatyam : Taranatha Bhattacharya (ed.), Varanasi, 1962.
VaidikaPaddnukramaKosa (Sarhhitas and Brahmanas) :
Vishva Bandhu Shastri, Lahore, 1942 ; Hoshiarpur,
1962 etc.
Vaijayantl of Yddavaprakdsa : Gustav Oppert (ed.), Madras,
1893.
Vergleichendes Worterbuch Der Indogermanischen Sprachen
(II Bands) : Alois Walde, Berlin, 1927.
. Sanskrit Texts and Translations
Abhijndna-Sdkuntalam of Kdliddsa : M.R. Kale, 9th Edition,
Bombay, 1961.
Angavijjd : Muni Punyavijaya; Varanasi, 1957.
Arthasdstra ofKautilya : R. Shama Sastri ; (Trans.), Mysore,
1929.
(Kautiliyam-Arthasdstram : Ramateja Shastri Pandey; Kashi,
1964.
Arya-manjusri-mulakalpa : T. Ganapati Shastri (ed.), Trivan-
drum, 1920.
Astddhydyi-Bhdsyd-Prathamdvrtti : Brahmadatta Jijnasu ;
Amritsar, 1964.
Astddhydyi Prakdsikd : Dev Prakash Patanjala; Delhi, Sarhvat,
2012.
JBrhat-Samhitd of Vardhamihira : Acyutanand Jha (ed.),
Varanasi, 1959.
Uitopadesa : Kashinath Panduranga Parab, (ed.), Bombay,
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 355
Saka Sarhvat, 1814.
Kdmasutra of Vatsydyana : Pramoda Bihiri, Mathura.
Kathd-Sarit-Sdgara : C.H. Tawney (ed.), Calcutta, 1880.
Kdsika-Vrtti on PdninVs Astddhydyi : A. S. Phadake (ed.),
Banaras, 1931.
Kdvya-Mlmdmsd of Rdjasekhara : Ganga Sagar Rai (ed.),.
Varanasi, 1964.
Kumdrasambhava of Kali das a : S.R. Sehgal (ed.), Delhi, 1959.
Mahdbhdrata : Critical Edition, Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute, Poona.
Mahdbhdrata : Ram Chander Shastri (ed.), Poona, 1929-33.
: Gita Press, Gorakhpur.
Mdlavikdgnimitram : Ram Chandra Mishra (ed.), Banaras,
1951.
Manu-Smrti : Haragovinda Shastri (ed.), Varanasi, 1970.
: Rajaram (ed.), Lahore, 1912.
: Ganga Natha Jha (ed.), 3 Parts; Calcutta 1924, 1929
and 1929.
: (The Ordinances of Manu), Burnell's Translation;
Delhi, Reprint, 1971.
Mdnava Grhyasutra : Ram Krishna Harshaji Shastri (ed.),
Baroda, 1926.
Meghaduta of Kdliddsa : M.R. Kale fed.), Bombay, 6th
Edition.
Niruktasdstram : Bhagavaddatta (ed.), Amritsar, Sam. 2021.
Nirukta ofYdska : V.K. Rajvade (ed.), Poona, 1940.
Pdnimya-Sikrd (a Parisista in Madhya Sidhantakaumudi) :
Vishvanatha Shastri (ed.), Banaras, 1956.
Raghuvamsa of Kdliddsa : Haragobinda Mishra, (ed.) Varanasi,
1961.
Rdjatarahginl of Kalhana : M.A. Stein, Varanasi, 1961.
Sdhityadarpana of Visvandtha : Satyavrat Singh, (ed.) Varanasi,
1957.
Samardhgana-Sutradhara of King Bhojadeva : T. Ganapati
Sastri, Baroda, 1924.
Samardhgana-Sutradhara of King Bhojadeva : D.N. Shukla,
Delhi, 1965.
Satapatha-Brdhmana : Julius Eggeling : (Trans.) Sacred Books
of the East, 5 Vols. 12, 26, 41, 43, 44.
356 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Siddhantakaumudl Arthaprakdsika : Radha Raman Pandeya,
Varanasi, 1966.
Sisupalavadham of Magha : Haragovinda Shastri, Banaras,
1955.
The Grhya-Sutras : H. Oldenberg (Trans.) Parts I and II, Vols.
XXIX and XXX, Sacred Books of the East, 2nd Reprint,
Delhi, 1967.
The Siddhantakaumudl of Bhattoji-Dlksita : S. C. Vasu, Vara-
nasi, 1962.
The Tantraloka of Abhinavagupta : Madhusudan Kaul (ed.),
Vol. XII; Kashmir Series of Texts and Studies No.
LVIIL, Year, 1938.
Vaikhanasa Grhyasutra : W. Caland, Calcutta, 1929.
Vikramorvaslyam of Kalidasa : Ram Chandra Mishra; Varanasi,
1963.
Vividhatirthakalpa of Jinaprabhasuri : Jinavijaya, Shantiniketan,
1934.
Yajnavalkya Smrti : J.R. Gharpure, Bombay, 1939.
F. Journals
Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona.
Annual Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India.
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London.
Bharatiya Vidya, Bombay.
Bharati, Journal of Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
Calcutta Review.
Cultural Forum, Ministry of Education, Government of India.
Epigraphia Indica, Delhi.
Indian Antiquary, Bombay.
Indian Culture, Calcutta.
Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta.
Journal of Assam Research Society, Gauhati.
Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Asiatic Society, Bombay.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta.
Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, Patna.
Journal of Indian History, Trivandrum.
Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Varanasi.
Journal of Oriental Institute, Baroda.
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS 357
Ireland, London.
Journal of the U.P. Historical Society, Lucknow.
Kalyana, Gita Press, Gorakhpur.
Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India.
Nagarl Pracarim Patrika (in Hindi), Varanasi.
Praci-Jyoti, Kurukshetra University Journal, Kurukshetra.
Puranam, Ramnagar Fort, Varanasi.
Vishveshvaranand Indological Journal, Hoshiarpur.
G. Felicitation Volumes
A Volume of Eastern and Indian Studies presented to F.W.
Thomas.
A Volume of Studies in Indology presented to Professor P.V.
Kane on his 61st birth-day, 1941.
Aiyangar Commemoration Volume.
B. C Law Volume; Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
Poona, 1946.
Mirashi (Dr.) Felicitation Volume.
M.M. Chitrao Sastri Felicitation Volume (Review of Indological
Research in last 75 years) : P.J. Chinmulgund and V.V.
Mirashi (ed.), Poona, 1967.
Professor Suryya Kumar Bhuyan Commemoration Volume .
S.M. Katre, and P.K. Gode (ed.), Bombay, 1939.
Sir Asutosh Memorial Volume, 1926-28.
H. Hindi Works
Agnihotri, Prabhudayal : Patanjali-kallna Bharata, Patna,
1963.
Agrawala Vasudevasharan : Panini-kalina Bharatavarsa, Vara-
nasi, 1969.
Altekar, Ananta Sadasiva : Gupta-kallna Mudrain, Patna, 1954.
Chatterji, Suniti Kumar : Bhdrata Mein Arya Aura Anarya
(Information and Publication Bureau) Madhya Pradesh,
1959.
Chitrava, Siddheshwara Sastri : Bharatavarsiya Prdcina Cari-
trakosa, Poona, 1964.
Gupta, Parameshwari Lai : Gupta Sdmrajya, Varanasi, 1970.
Keith Arthur Beridale : Vedic Dharma Evam Darsana (Trans.
Suryakant) Varanasi, 1963.
358 PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Misra, Jwala Prasad : Jdti-Bhdskara, Bombay, Sam. 1983.
Pandeya, Govinda Chandra : Baudha Dharma ke Vikdsa kd
Itihdsa, Lucknow, 1963.
Pandeya, Rajabali : Hindu Samskdras, Varanasi, 1964.
Rai, Ganga Sagar : (Trans.) Kdvya-Mlmdmsd, Varanasi, 1964.
Rai, Ram Kumar : Rdjatarahgirn Kosa, Varanasi, 1967.
Roy, Udayanarayana : Prdcina Bhdrata Mein Nagara Tathd
Nagarajivana, Allahabad, 1965.
Upadhyaya, Baladeva : Sanskrit Sdhitya kd Itihdsa, Kashi>
1958.
Upadhyaya, Bhagavatsharan : Guptakdla kd Sdnskriti kd
Itihdsa, Lucknow, 1969.
Upadhyaya, Vasudeva : Bharatiya Sikke, Prayaga, Sam. 2005.
Vajapeyi, Raghvendra : Bdrhaspatya Rdjya-Vyavasthd, Vara-
nasi, 1966
Vibhu, Vidyabhushan : Abhidhdna-anusilana, Allahabad, 1958.
PLATES
List of Plates
I. Allahabad stone pillar inscription of Samudragupta.
II. Mathura stone pillar inscription of Chandragupta II,
year 61.
III. Junagarh rock inscription of Skandagupta, year 136.
VI. Mehrauli iron pillar inscription of Chandra.
V. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, I side.
VI. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, II side.
VII. Dhanaidaha copper-plate inscription of Kumaragupta I .
VIII. Tumain inscription of Kumaragupta and Ghatota-
kachagupta, year 116.
IX. Supia pillar inscription of the time of Skandagupta,
year 141.
X. Mathura inscription of Kumaragupta, year 113.
XI. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta,
year 163.
XII. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta,
year 163.
XIII. Damodarpur copper inscription of Kumaragupta I,
year 124.
XIV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Kumaragupta
I, year 124.
XV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription, year 224.
XVI. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription, year 224.
XVII. Nalanda seal of Vishnugupta.
XVIII. Mandasor inscription of Malava Samvat 524.
XIX. Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, I side.
XX. Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, II side.
XXI. Gunaighar copper-plate inscription of Vainyagupta,
year 188.
CO
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II. Mathura stone pillar inscription of Chandragupta II, Year 61, (A.S.I.)
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V. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, I side, (A.S.I.)
VI. Paharpur copper-plate, year 159, II side, (A.S.I.)
XI. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta, year 163, (A.S.I.)
XII. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Budhagupta, year 163, (A.S.I.)
XIII. Damodarpur copper inscription of Kumaragupta I, year 124, (A.S.I.)
XIV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription of Kumaragupta I, year 124, (A.S.I.)
XV. Damodarpur copper-plate inscription, year 224, (A.S.I )
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XVII. Nalanda seal of Vishnugupta, (A.S.I.)
XVIII. Mandasor inscription of Malava Samvat 524, (A.S.I.)
XIX. Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, I side, (A.S.I )
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Baigram copper-plate inscription, year 128, II side, (A.S.I.)
Index
Abhidhana-CintamanJ, 153
Adityavardhana, Mandasor Frag-
mentary Inscription, 226
Ahaspati, N. N., 6
Aitareya Brahmana, 172
Aiyangar, Krishnaswami, 238
Allan, 260
Altekar, 27
Ghatotkacagupta, 27
Visnugupta, 27
Al-Beruni, 229
Kartrpura, 229
Amarakosa, 103, 123, 126, 152, 170,
267
Abhm, 126
Bahlika, 170
Daman, 103
Mlecchajatis, 152
Rajaka-gana, 123
Rajanayaka-gana, 123
Vanga, 267
Angavijja, 10
Proper names, 10
Apastamba, 6-8
Grhya-sutra, 8
Names, Girls, 8
Quality of the name, 7
Secret name, 6
Arya-manjusrl-Mula-Kalpa, 152
Companions of robbers, 152
Asoka, 131
Atadhyayl, 225
Asvagho?a, 131
Avaghoa's Buddhacarita, 215
Gaya, 215
ASvalayana, 7
Abhivadaniya Name, 7
Quality of the Name, 7
A'svim, 9
Atharvaveda, 137, 256
Kasl, 256
Kurus, 136-137
Aupasanagni, 5
Aurnavabha, 215
Gaya, 215
Avadataka see Complexion, fair
Aya, 10
Chadditaka, 10
Kataraka, 10
Kinnaka, 10
B
Banerji, 216, 245, 258, 261
Erandapalla, 245
Khdd(ta) Para,215
Kottura, 258
Maha-khusapara, 216
Vengi, 261
Banerjee, R. C. 267
Vanga, 267
Banerji, R. D., 155-156
Hunas, 155
Pusyamitras, 155-156
Barnett, 259
Barua, K. L., 253
Davaka, 253
Basham, 123
Baudhayana, 263
Aryavartta, 263
Bazin, Louis, 132
Beal, Samuel, 141
362
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Kusthalapura, 229
Bhandarkar, D .R., 135, 166, 167,
253, 258
Batihagadh Inscription, 135
Davaka, 253
Kurala, 258
Sanakanlka, 166
Vahlika, 167
Bhanugupta, 17-18, 29, 52, 97
Damodarpur Copper Plate Inscri-
ption, 52
Imperial Gupta, 29
Partha, 97
Viceroy in the Malwa, 29
Yasodharman Mandasor Inscrip-
tion, 17-18
Bhattacharya, 126, 250
Abhlrs, 126
Miduvilala-kse'ra, 250
Bhattasali, N. K., 155
Budhagupta, 1 25-26
Maharajadhiraja, 26
Paramabhattaraka, 26
Paramadaivata, 26
Bilvada, 4
Black, 10
Kalaka, 10
Kalika, 10
Black, Light, 10
Sama, 10
Samaka-Samala, 10
Samali, 10
Brahmacarin, 9
Brahmana see Sarman under Visnu
Pur an a
JBrhat Safnhita, 126-27, 128, 147, 152,
170, 173, 238, 261, 266
Abhlra, 126-127
Arjunayanas, 127
Mdlava, 147
Mleccha, 149-52
Samatata, 261
Tumbavana, 238
Uttar Kuru, 266
Vahlika, 170
Yaudheya, 173
Budhagupta, Mother name, 314-15
Candradavi, 314-315
Buhler, 43, 218
Lata, 218
Prakri Gathas, 43
Burn, Richard, 28
Candra, Meharauli Pillar Inscrip-
tion, 266, 309-13
Vanga, 266
Candragomin, 17
Candragupta I, 17, 18-19, 21
Licchavis, 18
Licchavi-dauhitra, 19
Licchavayah, 19
Maharaja, 21
Maharajadhiraja, 21
Naga Princess Kuberanaga, 19
Orthodox brahmanas, 19
Political matter, 19
Vratya Ksatriyas, 19
Candragupta II, 17, 22-23
Devaraja, 23
Devasri, 23
Vikramaditya, 22
Udayagiri Cave Inscription, 166
Cedlsa see Nama, Naktra
Ceremony, Name-giving, 5-6
Darbha grass, 5, 6
Mantra, 6
Naksatra, 6
Prajapati, 6
Tenth day, 5
Tithi, 6
Twelfth day, 5
Charpentier, 142
Chatterji, 104
Chaudhuri, S. B., 145, 159, 267
Madrakas, 143-46
Saimhalaka, 159
Vanga, 267
Colesa see Nama, Nakstra
Complexion, fair, 10
Avadataka, 10
Seta, 10
, 10
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
363
Conclusion, 106-117, 176-99, 305-6
Cudamanl see Nama, Nakstra
Cunningham, 154
D
Daharaka see Names, Age
Dandekar, R. N., 39
Dandin, 126
Darius I, Old Persion Inscriptions,
296
Dasapura, 227
Desavarman, Brahmana, 16
Devlbhagavata, 255
Kanci, 255
Dey, N. L., 258
Dharama'sastras, 16, 17
Astronomer, 16
Brahmagupta, 16
Dhanmsee Gotra, Dkarana
Dharmasindhu, 9
Dikshit, K. N., 39, 245
Erandapalla, 245
Rudradeva, 39
Dinna see Names, Friendly,
Diskalkar, D. B., 157, 253
Avamukta, 253
Pusyamitras, 155-57
Distinguishing Characteristics, 8
Divekar, H. R., 155
Dubreuil, N., 245, 258, 260
Erandapalla, 245
Kottura, 258
Palakka, 260
Edgerton, Franklin, 129
Epic, 151, 234
Mleccha, 151
Nagara, 234
Epics, 300
Visnupada, 300
Erandapalla, 245
Fa-Hien, 139, 172
Licchavis, 139
Yaudheya, 172
Fa-Hsien, 236
Ayodhya, 236
Fleet, 15, 133, 146, 149-50, 152-53,
155-57, 227, 228, 245, 253, 258, 265,
296. 297, 299, 316-17
Dasapura, 221
Davflka, 253
Erandapalla, 245
Hu.ia, 133
Kakanadabota, 265
Kartrpura, 228
Kottura, 258
Rural a, 258
Ma lava, 146
Mleccha, 149-50
Murwdas, 152-54
Names, Gupta Kings, 15
Pusyamitras, 155, 157
Sindhu, 296
Urjayat, 299
Vilasim, 297
Gabai, Von, 132
Gandaki see a(ga)ndaka
Ghatotkaca, 20-21
Bhlma-sena, 20
Ganesa, 20
Ghatodara 'Potbellied', 20
Kumaragupta, Tumain Inscrip-
tion, 20
Raksasl Hidimba, 20
Sanskrit Literature, 20
Traditional Names, 20
Gobhila, 5, 6, 7
Abhivadanlya Name, 7
Ceremony, Name-giving, 5
Secret Name, 6
Gokhale, 17
Gotra, 16
Dharana, 16, 17
Goyal, 17, 19, 22, 136, 157
Guptas, 17
364
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Kotas, 136
Matrimonial alliances, 19
$ahanusahi, 157
$ahi t 158
Samudragupta, 22
Greenlandish, 3
Grhya-Sutras, 5, 6, 7, 8
Apastamba, 1
A'svalayana, 1
Gobhila, 5, 6
Hiranyake'sin, 6, 1
Khadira, 6
Paraskara, 5
Growse, F. S., 227
Dasapura, 227
Gunaighar grant, 250-51
Gane'svara- Vilala-Puskarini, 250
Miduvilala-ksetra, 250
Pakkavilala-ksetra, 250
Gupta Kings, 14-15, 16, 17-18, 241
Damodarpur Copper Plate Ins-
cription, 241
Donga-grama, 241
Inscriptions, Maharaja, 14-15
VaiSya class, 16
Gupta, D. K., 171
Yaudhaya, 171
Gupta, P. L., 23
Govindagupta, 23
Gupta, Samkshobha, 128
Gupta, Y. R., 245
Erandapalla 245
H
Hanuman, 160
Hemacandra, 216
Kotivarsa, 216
Hewitt, J. P., 141
Hiranyakesin, 5, 6, 7
Ceremony, Name-giving, 5
Secret N ame, 6
Quality of the Name, 7
Hiuen Tsang, 26, 28, 134, 139,159,
172, 255, 261
Indian History, 134
Kamarupa, 255
Licchavis, 138-39
Mahendraditya, 26
Narasimhagupta, 134
Puranas, 134
Saimhalaka, 159
Samatata, 261
Vainyaguta, 27-28
Yaudheya, 172
Hoernle, 155, 156
Hultzsch, 166
Saka, 166
Indraji, Bhagwan Lai, 227
Indrapura, 227-28
Inscription of Jivitagupta II, 14
Inscription No. I, 230
Inscription No. II, 231
Jata see Names, Beauty
Jayaswal, Aurel Stein, 133
Jayaswal, K. P., 39, 122, 123, 136,
141, 220, 265
Airikina, 220
Kakanadabota, 265
Kharaparikas, 135-36
Licchavis, 138-43
Parliamentary System, 123
Rudradeva, 39
Sudra Republic, 122
Jivitagupta II, Deo-Barnark Inscri-
ption, 14
Kaivartti-Sresthin, 262
Kakusthavarman, 17
Kalidasa, 134, 160, 267, 293
Raghuvamsa, 134, 293
Ganga, 293
Lanka, 159-60
Kalyayana, 15
Kana see Names, defects
Karna, 151
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
365
Kd'sikd, 225, 231, 266
Apara-Pdtaliputra, 231
Pur or Pura, 225
Purva-Pdtaliputra, 231
Vanga, 266, 267
Kathasaritsagara, 152
Katyayana, 169
Kautilya, 138, 267
Arthasastra, 129, 169
Kurus, 136-38
Vahlika, 129,
Kavyamimamsa, 22, 267
Candraprakd'sa, 22
Keith, 126, 142
Abhira, 126-27
Licchavis, 138-43
Khadira, 6
Khattada see Names, qualitative
Khandaslsa see Names, defects
Khafija see Names, defects
Kharada see Names, qualitative
Kharpara, M. P., 135
Konow, Sten, 133, 153, 166
Huna, 131-35
Murundas, 152-54
Saka, 161-66
Koros, Csoma de, 236
Ayodhya, 236-38
Kosambi, 19
Political marriages, 19
Kujja see Names, defects
Kumaragupta I, 23-24
Indra, 24
Mahdrdjddhirdja, 24
Mahendrdditya, 24
Kusumapura, 231
Kuvika see Names, defects
Laksmana see Nama, Nakstra
Lambacudaka, 4
Law, 260
Pratyanta, 260
Law, B. C., 141, 149, 169, 256
Kd'si, 256-57
Licchavis, 138-43
Mdlava, 146-49
Saimhalaka, 158-61
Legend, 231
Pdtaliputra, 231
Lele, 249
Kheta or Khetaka
Levi, Sylvain, 128
Arjundyanas, 127-28
Kosala, 257-58
Licchavis, 138-143
Literature, Buddhist, 138, 140, 217,
223, 232, 236, 257
Ayodhya, 236-38
Kasi, 256-57
Daksindpatha, 223-24
Krmitd, 217-28
Kurus, 136-38
Licchavis, 138-43
Pataliputra, 230-33
Literature, Jain, 124
Literature, Vedic, 123
Lokavigraha, Kanas Plate, 128
Liiders, 166
Saka, 161-66
M
Maenchen-Helfen, Otto, 132
Mahabharata, 48, 125, 143, 151, 165,
167-68, 172, 215, 267
Gayd, 214-15
Harisena, 48
Madraka, 143-46
Mleccha, 149-52
Saka, 161-66
Vdhtika, 167-71
Vanga, 266-67
Yaudheya, 171-74
Mahadevls see Names, Gupta
Queens, 29
Maharaja, 15
Maharajadhirajas, 15
Maity, 262
Pancakulyavdpaka, 262
Maldlasekera, 217
Krmild, 217-18
Mandasore Stone Inscription, 66
Manjufrlmulakalpa, 230
366
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Pataliputra, 230-33
Manu, 8-9, 126, 142, 164
Manu, Smrti, 8
Abhira, 125-27
Brahmana, 9
Ksatriya, 9
Licchavis, 138-43
Saka, 161-67
Sarman, 9
Vai'sya, 9
Main Rulers, Gupta Kings, 19-27
Budhagupta, 20, 25-26
Candragupta I, 19, 21
Candragupta II, 19, 22-23
Ghatotkaca, 19, 20, 21
Govindagupta, 19, 23
Gupta, 19, 20
Kumaragupta, I, II, III, 19, 20,
23-25, 27
Narasirhhagupta, 20, 26-27
Purugupta, 20, 24-25
Samudragupta, 19, 21-22
Skandagupta, 20, 24
Visnugupta, 27
Majjhima see Names, Age
Manavadharmasastra, 16
Matrimonial alliances, 18
Candragupta I, 18
Foreign policy, 18
Hinduism, 18
Intercaste marriages, 18
Anuloma type, 18
Smrtis, 18
KumaradevI, Licchavi-Princess, 18
Political Considerations, 18
Pratiloma marriage, 18
Samudragupta, 18
Coins, 22
Three Varnas, 18
Megasthenes, 231
Pataliputra, 230-33
Mercury, 26
Mihirakula, Gwalior Inscription,
133
Mitaksara, 9
Mitra, R. L.,'215
Gaya, 214-15
Mookerjee, 21, 22, 25, 136, 153
Candasena, 21
Candragupta II, Mathura Inscrl
ption, 22
Candra 'moon', 21
Gutpa territorry, 21
Kaca, 22
Kaumudl-Mahotsava, 21
Kotas, 136
Kumaragupta II, 25
Licchavi alliance, 21
Lokaksi, 21
Murundas, 152-54
Parakramah, 22
N
Nama, Naksatra, 9
Cedlsa, 9
Colesa, 9
Cudamani, 9
Lakstr.ana, 9
Namadheyakarana, 5
Name, 3, 4, 7-8/16, 15,6
Abhivadanlya, 1
Christian or first, 3
Common, 7
Dynastic, 16
Personal, 3, 4
Popular, 15
Qualitative, Name, 7-8
God's Name, 8
Grhy a- Sutras, 1
Gupta, 7
Krta Suffix, 7
Sarman, 7
Second name, 7
Semi-vowel, 7
Sonant, 7
Syllables, 7
Taddhita Suffix, 7
Third name, 7
Varman, 7
Visarga, 7
Secret, 6
Names, 3, 10, 87-95, 96-102, 38-55,
8, 14-31, 19-29, 29-30, 71-86,
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
367
56-70, 47-52, 203-306, 15, 103-105
Age, 10
Balaka, 10
Daharaka, 10
Majjhima, 10
Thaviva-Thera, 10
Beauty, 10
Jdta, 10
Sudafasana, 10
Sugata, 10
Sumuhra, 10
Suruva, 10
Brahmanas; Jainas and Bauddhas,
87-95
Names of Brahmanas, 87-91
Names ending in Bhatta, 87
Devabhatta, 87
Kumar a (a) ravyabhatta, 87
Visnupalitabhatta, 87
Names ending in Datta, 88
Amaradatta, 88
Mahasenadatta, 88
Parnadatta, 42
Svamidatta, 42 f
Names ending in Sarmman, 88
Ndga'sarmman, 88
Natha'sarmman, 88
Siva'sarmman, 88
Names ending in Svdmin, 88-89
Gopadevasvdmin, 88
Jaydbhattisvdmin, 88-89
Miscellaneous, 89-91
Amrtadeva, 89
Deva, 89
Devavisnu, 89
Dudika,' 89-90
Haritrdta, 91
Karppatika, 91
Trairidya, 91
Jainas and Bauddhas, 91-95
Abhayamitra 91
Bhadra, 91
Bhattibhava, 91-92
Kumaragupta, Mathura
Jaina Inscription, 92
Bhattisoma, 92
Datilacaryya, 92
Go'sarmman, 92
Guhanandin,[92-93
Jitasena, 93
Kapila, 93
Ku'sika, 93
Madra, 93
Pard'sara, 93-94
Par'sva, 94
Rudrasoma, 94
Safnkara, 94
Sanasiddha, 94
Santideva, 94
Somila, 94-95
Udi(ta) Caryya, 95
Upamitta, 95
Names, Complexion, 10
Black, 10
Fair Complexion, 10
Light Black, 10
Names, defects, 10
Kdna, 10
Khandaslsa, 10
Khanja, 10
Kujja, 10
Kuvika, 10
Pillaka, 10
Sabala, 10
Vadabha, 10
Vdmanaka, 10
Names, Epic and Puranic, 96-102
Bali, 96
Lord Visnu 96
Rgveda, Visnu Siikta, 96
Buddha, 96-97
Siddhartha, 96
Kr?na, 97
Part ha, 96
Prthu, 97
Rdghava, 97-98
Sagara, 98
Vydsa, 98
Bddardyana, 98
Dvaipayana, 98
Yudhisthira, 98-99
Names, Feudatory Kings and High
Officers, 38-55
Names, Feudatory Kings, 38-47
368
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Names based on Ganpati, 38
Ga\\pati, 38
Ganapatindga, 38
Names based on Moon, 38
Candravarmman, 38
Sura'smicandra, 38-39
Names based on Naga, 39
Nagadatta, 39
Nagasend, 39
Names based on Siva, 39
Rudradatta, 39
Rudradeva, 39
Ugrasena, 40
Names based on Sun, 40
Prabhakara, 40
Names based on Visnu, 40-41
Acyutanandin, 40-41
Dhanyavisnu, 41
Harivisnu, 41
Indravisnu, 41
Matrvisnu, 41
Varunavisnu, 41
Visriudasa, 41
Visnugopa, 42
Names ending in 'Giri', 42
Mahendragiri, 42
Names ending in Mitra, 42-43
Pusyamitra, 42
Names ending in Raj an (Raja),
43-45
Devaraja, 43
Goparaja, 43
Mantardja, 43-44
Nilaraja, 44
Sarbhararaja, 44-45
Vyaghraraja, 44-45
Names ending in Varman, 45-46
Balavarmman, 45
Bandhuvarmman, 45
Bhimavarmman, 45
Hastivarmman, 45-46
Visvavarmman, 46
Names, One-Word, 46-47
Acyutta, 46
Chagalaga, 46
Daman, 46
Dhananjaya, 46-47
Kubera, 47
Madhava, 47
Matila, 47
Names, Ministers, 47-52
Amrakarddava, 47
H an sen a, 48
Virasena, 48
Names of Commanders, 48-49
Dattabhata, 48
Dhruvabhuti, 48
Gopasvamin, 49
Harisena, 49
Tilabhattaka, 49
Vayuraksita, 49
Names of Governors, 49
Brahmadatta, 49
Cakrpalita, 49-50
Ciratadatta, 50
Jayadatta, 50
Vijayasena, 50
Names of Kumar amaty as, 50-51
Kulavrddhi, 50
Prthivisena, 50
Revajjasvamin, 51
Sikharasvamin, 51
Vetravarman, 51
Names of Ayuktakas, 51-52
Acyutadasa, 51
Bhamaha, 51
Candragupta,-51
Devabhattaraka, 51
Sa(ga)ndaka, 52
Sarvvanaga, 52
Names, Friendly, 10
>ma, 10
Nanda, 10
7Vad/, 10
Nandaka, 10
Nandika, 10
Names, Generic, 3
Girls, 8
Da, 8
Datta or raksita, 8
Odd number of Syllables, 8
Taddhita Suffix, 8
Gupta Kings and Queens, 14-31
Gupta Kings, 14
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
369
Bhattaraka-Maharajadhiraja,
22
Devaraja, 23
Deva-Sir, 23
Maharaja, 14
Mahdrdjddhirdja, 22
Paramabhdgavata, 22
Other members of the dynasty,
19-20
Gupta Queens, 29
Anantadevi, 29, 30
Candradevl, 29, 30-31
Dattadevi, 29, 30
Dhruvadevl, 29, 30
Dhruvasvdmini, 29, 30
Kumardevl, 29-30
Mahadevis, 31
Mitradevi, 29, 31
Snva(tsd) devi, 29, 31
Names, Householders and Traders,
71-82
Householders, 71-82
Names ending in Bhadra, 71
Acyutabhadra, 71
Ratibhadra, 71
Names ending in Bhava, 71
Kumar abhava, 71
Rudrabhava, 71
Names ending in Dasa, 71-72
Kuladdsa, 72
Mdtrddsa, 12
Ndrdyanaddsa, 72
Sarvvaddsa, 12
Names ending in Datta, 72
Bhavadatta, 72
Jayadatta, 72
Krsnadatta, 12
Sifnhatta, 12
Names ending in Deva, 73
Bhadradeva, 73
Dhanyadeva, 73
Harideva, 73
Ndgadeva, 73
Naradeva, 73
Samghadeva, 73
Srideva, 73
Names ending in Kunda, 73-74
Kdmanakmda, 73-74
Piccakunda, 74
Pravarakunda, 74
Sivakunda, 74
Names ending in Mitra, 74
Krsnamitra, 74
Prabhamitra, 74
Names ending in Ndga, 74
Pdjyanaga, 74
Virandga, 74
Names ending in Ndtha, 75
Bhavardtha, 75
Srlndtha, 15
Names ending in Palita and
Raksita, 15
Bhavaraksita, 15
Sarppapdlita, 15
Names ending in Sarmman, 75-77
Ahi'sarmman, 15
Guptasarmman, 15
Hari'sarmman, 75-76
Hima'sarmman, 76
Kaivartta'sarmman, 16
Kramasarmman, 16
Laksmanu'sarmman, 16
Maghasarmmcin, 16
Rupa'sarmman, 16
Rusta'sarmman, 16
Sukkra'sarmman, 11
Names ending in Siva, 11
Apara'siva, 11
Vasu'siva, 11
Names ending in Svdmin, 77-78
Aldtasvdmin, 11
Battasvdmin, 11
Brahmasvdmin, 77-78
Jayasvdmin, 78
Rdmasvdmin, 78
Names ending in Visnu, 78-79
Guhavisnu, 78
Jayavisnu, 78
Klrttivisnu, 78
Kumdravisnu, 78
Sarvvavisnu, 78
Somavisnu, 78
Yasovisnu, 78-79
Names, One -word, 79-81
370
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Acyuta, 79
Bhaskara, 79
Bhava, 79
Bhoyila, 79
Bonda, 79
Gopala, 79
Guha, 79
Hari, 79
Kalaka, 79-80
Kankuti, 80
Lidhaka, 80
Mahi, 80
Nabhaka, 80
Puramdara, 80
Samkara, 80
Undana, 80-81
Vailinaka, 81
Vampiyaka, 81
F/iva, 81
Miscellaneous, 81-82
Adityabandhu, 81
Damarudra, 81
Isvaracandra, 81-82
Kumarabhuti, 82
Kumar ay as as, 82
Mahasena, 82
Nandadama, 82
Prabhakirtti, 82
Names, Vaniks (Traders), 82-83
Acalavarman, 82
Bandhumitra, 82
Bhr(bhm)Kunthasimha, 82
Kapila, 83
Srlbhadra, 83
Sthanudatta, 83
S(haya(na)pala, 83
Vasumitra, 83
Names, Local Officers, 56-70
Names of Kayasthas (Scribes) 58-
59
Devadatta, 58
Kfsnadasa, 58
Laksmana, 58
Naradatta, 58
Prabhucandra, 59
Rudradasa, 59
(Vinayada)tta, 59
Names of Kulikas (Artisans), 57
Bhimz, 57
Names of Mahattaras (Village-
Head men), 63-65
(Zte) FaArfm/, 63
Deva'sarmman, 63
Gopala, 63-64
Gosthaka, 64
Art/a, 64
Khasaka, 64
Ksemadatta, 64
Pingala, 64
.Ra/wa, 64
Ramaka, 64
Sivanandin, 64
Somapala, 65
Srlbhadra, 65
Sunkaka, 65
Varggapala, 65
Visnubhadra, 65
Names of Writers & Engravers,
66-67
Dhruva'sarman, 66
Gopasvamin, 66
Harisena, 66
Ravila, 66
fribhadra, 66
Stha(std)mbhe'svara-dasa, 66
Tilabhattaka, 66-67
Vatsabhatti, 67
Miscellaneous, 67
Jivanta, 67
Mora TF/>a;, 67
Samghila, 67
SancI Inscription, 67
Name of Prathama Kayasthas
(chief Scriber), 57-58
Sdmbapala, 57
Skandapala, 58
Viprapala, 58
Names of Prathama Kulikas
(chief Artisans), 57-58
Names ending in datta, 57
Durgadatta, 60
Gopadatta, 59
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
371
Ri'sidatta, 60
Matidatta, 51
Varadatta, 57
Vibhudatta, 61
Visnudatta, 61
Names of the Prathama Pustapdlas
(chief Record-keeper), 59-62
Bhatanandin, 59
Divakaranandin, 59
Jayanandin 61,
Nara(na)ndin, 60
Sasinandin, 61
Simhanandin, 61
Sthanunandin, 61
Vijayanandin, 61-62
Names of Pustapalas (Record-
keepers), 60-62
Names ending in >#?#
Arkkaddsa, 60
Haridam, 60
Patradasa, 60
Ramadasa, 60
Miscellaneous, 62
Dhrtivisnn, 62
Virocana, 62
Yasoddma, 62
Names of Sr is thins (Bankers),
56-57
Ccha(cha)ndaka, 56
Dhrtipala, 56
Hari-'sresthin, 56
Kaivartti-sresthin, 56
Names of Vithi-Mahattaras (Vlthl-
elders), 62-63
Ganda, 62
Harisimha, 62
Jyesthadama, 62-63
Kumdradeva, 63
Prajdpati, 63
Ramasarmcin, 63
Svdmicandra, 63
Umayasas, 63
Names, Men, 10
Ayandma, 10
Gottar.dma, 10
Kamma, 10
Karana, 10
^arfra, 10
Names, Places, Rivers and Moun-
tains, 203-304
Names, Place, 203-208.
Names, Place and their suffixes, 209-
61
Place names ending in Rdstra,
209
Ra&tra, 209
Devardstra, 210
Surdstra, 210-11
Ancient Indian History, 210
Prakrtis, 209
Rgveda, 209
Samardnganasutradhdra, 209
Samhitds, 209
Place-names ending in Bhukti,
211-12
Place-names ending in Visaya,
213-19
Gaya, 214-15
Khad(ta)para, 215-16
Krmila, 2 17
Buddhist literature, 217
Maldilaekera, 211
Monghyr, District Gazetteer,
218
I/a, 218-19
Ldtarastra, 218
Sanskrit 5;/r, 218
Place-names ending in Mandala y
219
Mandala, 219
NdgiraUamcndala, 219
Uttaramandala, 219
Place-names with the Suffix
Pradesa, 220-21
Airikina, 220-21
Erakana, 221
Modern ra, 220
Place-names ending in /)<?#, 221
Z)e5a, 221
Mleccha-de'sa, 221
Skandagupta, Junagarh Rock
Inscription, 221
Jfl, 221
372
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Place-names ending in Rdjya, 221-
22
Rajya, 221-22
Airdvata-go-rdjya, 222
Place-names ending in Vithi, 222
Vithi, 222
Daksindfn'saka-Vithi, 222
Place-names with the Suffix Patha
222-24
Patha (footpath), 222
Adyapatha, 223
Daksindpatha, 223
Ndndghat Cave Inscription,
223
Rudraddman, Jundgarh Rock
Inscription, 223
Place-names with the Suffix Pura,
224-33
Pur or Pura, 224-25
Ajapura, 225-26
Candrdpura see Indrapura
Da'sapura, 226-27
Adityavardhana, Mandasor-
Fragmentary Inscription,
226
Imperial Guptas, 226
Samudragupta, Allahabad
Inscription, 228, 318-20
Vedic Literature, 228
Kartrpura, 228-29
Kripura, 229
Kusthalapura, 229-30
Pataliputra, 230-33
Fifth century B. C., 232
Kusumapura, 230
Puspapura, 231
Puspapun, 231
Putra, 231
Pistapura, 233
Capital of Kalinga, 233
' Devarastra, Inscription, 233
Gupta Period, 233
Place-Names ending in the Suffix
Nagara, 234-35
Pancanagarl, 234-35
Place-names ending in Nauyoga,
235
Nauyoga, 235
Cudamani, 235
Nagarasri, 235
Praddmdra, 235
Place-names ending in Kataka, 235
Place-names ending in Vasaka,
236-38
Vasaka, 236-38
Anandapurvasaka, 236
Ayodhyd, 236
Buddhist Period, 236-37
Gupta Period, 237
History of Ko'sala, 237
Muslim Historians, 237
Vinltd SYN Ayodhyd, 236
I'svaravdsaka, 238
Place-names ending in Vana, 238-
39
Mahdkdntdra, 238
Tumbavana, 238
Vindydtavl, 239
Place-names ending in Grdma,
239-44
Grama, 239-40
Gaon, 239
Grdmani, 239
Vedic Litrature, 239
Villages, 239
Bhadra Puskaraka grama, 240
Chandagrdma, 240
Citravatangara, 240
Donga- grama, 240-41
Bardhachatra, 241
Gosdtapunjaka, 241-42
Gulmagandhikd, 242
Gimekdgrahdragrdma, 242
Grdmdgrahdra, 242
Jambudeva, 242
Kakubha, 242-43
Kdntedadaka grama, 243
Nddadadaka grama, 243
Lavangasikd, 243
Purnnandga grama, 243
Revatika grdma, 243
Samgohalikagrdma, 243-44
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
373
Sdtuvanc'sramaka, 244
Vatodaka, 244
Vdyigrdma, 244
Place-names ending in Palll, 244-45
Palli, 244-46.
An eleventh century work,
245
Kannada, 245
Malayalam, 245
Sanskrit, 245
Tamil, 245
Erandapalla, 245-46
Place-names ending in Golidli, 246
Gohall, 246
Gosala
Nitva-gohali, 246
Srigohdll, 246
Vata-gohali, 246
Place-names ending in Par'svika,
246-47
Pald'sdtta-Pdr'svika, 247
Place-names ending in Pdtaka, 247
Svacchandapdtaka, 247
Place-names ending in Pottaka, 247
Prsthima-Pottaka, 247
Place-names ending in Vihdra, 248
Lokottaravihdra, 248
Place-names ending in Ksetra, 248-
52
Ksetra, 248-49
Buddhdka-ksetra, 249
Kdldka-ksetra, 249-50
Kh andaviduggurika- Ksetra,
250
Joldn-ksetra, 250
Mahipdla-ksetra, 250
Manibhadra-ksetra, 250
Miduvildla-ksetra, 250
Nakhadddrccarika-ksetra, 251
Ndgl-joddka-ksetra, 251
Pakkavildla-ksetra, 251
Rdja-Vihdra-ksetra, 251
Surlndsirampurnneka-Ksetra,
251
Suryya-ksetra, 252
Vaidya-ksetra, 252
Vis riu vardhaki-ksetra
Yajnarata-ksetra, 252
Place-names ending in Puskarini,
252-53
Puskarini, 252
Danda-Puskini, 252
Dosl-bhoga-Puskarini, 252-53
Ganesvara-vildla-puskarrii,
253
Place-names, One-word, 253-62
Avamukta, 253
Davdka, 253
Kdmarupa, 253-54
Vaidyadeva, Kamauli grant,
254
A3/fci; 254-56
Devlbhdgavata, 255
Patanjali, 255
Pulakesin, Aihole inscrip-
tion, 255
Purdria, 255
Religious Significance, 255
Kasl, 256-57
Buddhist Literature, 257
Skandapurdna, 256
Vividhatirthakalpa, 256-57
Kosala, 257-58
Kottura, 258
tfwrafo, 258-59
Nepdla, 259
Deopara Inscription, 259
&z; / Sangama Tantra, 259
Palakka, 259-60
Pratyanta, 260
Samatata, 260-61
Baghura Incription, 261
Brhtsamhita, 261
K^/, 261
Fe^i or Pedda-vegl, 261
Names, Localities, 262-63
Avadara, 262
Himavacchikhara, 262
Nastl, 262
Paricakulyavdpaka, 262
Bhanugupta, Damodarpur
Copper Plate Inscription, 262
374
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Paraspatikd, 262
Trivrta, 262-63
Names, Tribal Place, 263-67
Arydvartta, 263-65
Aryan, 263
Baudhdyana, 263
Brdhmana, 264
Epigraph ic records, 263
Patanjali, Mahabhasya, 263
Vasistha, 263
Kdkar.ddabcta, 265
Ancient name of Sand, 265
Samudragupta, Allahabad
Inscription, 265
Uttara Kuru, 265-66
Brhatsafnhita, 266
Kurus, 266
Safnkara, 265
Vanga, 266
Baud hidy ana DhaTma-Sutra,
266
Candra, Meharull Pillar Ins-
cription, 266
Kasika, 266
Pratijna- Yaugandhardyana,
266
Names of the Rivers and the Moun-
tains, 293-304
The Rivers, 293-98, 321-23
Ganga, 293-94
Kdliddsa's Mahabhasya, 293
Hacdta Ganga, 294
Jambunadi, 294
Kdlindl, 294
Narmadd, 294-95
Padmd, 295
Devavisnu, 295
Pald'sini, 295
Stoa, 295-96
Sindhu, 296
Sudar'sana, 297
Vdta-nadl, 297
Vildsini, 297-98
The Mountains, 298-300
Kaild'sa, 298
Mountain of the Jainas, 298
Raivataka, 298
Brhatsamhitd, 298
Sumeru, 298-99
Kdlikapurdfia, 299
Matsya-Purana, 299
Padmapurdna, 299
Kdncanagiri, 299
Karnikdcala, 299
Meru, 299
Ratnasdnu, 299
Svargiri, 299
Svargigiri, 299
Urjayat, 299-300
Vividhatirthakc Ipa, 3C
Visnupada, 300
Names, Tribes, Prologue, 121-24
Tribal Names, 121-22
Janapadas, 121
Pdncdla, 121
Vedic tribes, 121
Other classes, 122-23
Rajan or King, 123
Kulkuras, 123
Kurus, 123
Licchavikas, 123
Madraks, 123
Mallakas, 123
Pdncdlas, 123
Vrjikas, 123
Names, Women, 103-105
Feminine names, 103
Ddmasvdmim, 103
Devaki, 103
Harisvdminl, 103-104
PadmdvatT, 104
Rdml, 104
Sdbhdti, 104
Sdmddhyd, 104-105
Updsikd, 104
Nanda see Names, Friendly,
Nandaka see Names, Friendly
Nandi see Names, Friendly
Nandika see Names, Friendly
Narain, 129
Narmadd, 294
Narasimhagupta, 26-27, 314-15
Mahdrdjddhitdja, 26
Paramabhdgavata, 26
IN THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
375
Nauhatt, 3
Nerur grant of Vijayaditya, 16
Nibandha Period, 9-10
Nominal Languages, 3
O
Object words, 3-10
Oldenberg, 137
Oldham, 228
Kartrpura, 228
Other members of the Dynasty, 27-
29
Bhdiugupta, 29
Ghafotkacagupta, 27
Vainyagupta, 27-29
Pallaka, 260
Pandey, H., 139
Padma, 299
Pandey, M. S., 154, 217, 218
Krmild, 217-18
Murundas, 152-54
Pandey, Raj Bali, 229
Kusthalapura, 229
Pdriini, 9, 15, 47, 48, 122, 123 128,
144, 173, 207, 234, 267
Arjundyanas, 127-28
Astadhydyi, 9, 122, 237
Aupagava, 9
Gdrgya, 9
Madrakas, 143-46
Matila, 47
Nagara, 234
Vanga, 267
Virasena, 48
Yaudheya, 173
Paramabhagavata, 26
Paramdrtha, 17
Pdraskara, 5, 6, 7
Pargiter, 172
Yaudheya, 172
Pataliputra, 232
Patanjali, 10, 15, 43, 146, 167, 267
Madrakas, 143-46
Pusyamitra, 42-43
Vdhlika, 167-71
Vahga, 266-67
Patanjali, Mahdbhdsya, 10, 125, 225,
255, 257, 263, 293
Ablra, 125-27
Arydvartta, 263
Gangd, 293
Kamarupa, 255
Kdsi, 257
Pathak, V., 236
Patronymic of Kautsa, 127
Pelliot, 132
Petersburg Dictionary, 28
Pillaka see Names, defects
Prabhavatigupta, Poona and Rith-
pur Copper Plate Inscription, 16
Prdclna Caritrakcsa, 20
Prakash, Buddha, 143
Madrakas, 143-46
Mdlava, 146-49
Sdhdnusdhi, 157-58
Saka, 161-66
Vdhlika, 167-71
Yaudheya, 171-75
Protected by Lord Siva see
Samudragupta
Przyluski, J., 144
Ptolemy, 128, 154, 236, 294
Pulakesin, Aihole Inscription, 255
Kamarupa, 255
Purdna, 125, 126, 135, 145, 160, 169,
215, 216, 217, 232, 255, 267, 295,
299
Agni, 215
Bhdgavata, 215, 255, 267
Brahmdnda,2\5,2\l,255
Kurma, 295
Mdrkandeya, 125, 135
Matsya, 135, 145, 299
Siva, 169
Skanda, 126, 160, 255
Vdmana, 214, 255
Vdyu, 126, 216
Visrtu, 215, 145, 295
Puranas, 21, 148, 156, 296
Purugupta, 24-25
376
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Purusottama, 216
Rajatarangim, 152
Raiasekhara, 167, 224, 264
Ramdyana, 215, 144-45, 167
Ramdas, G., 229, 238, 245, 260
Raychaudhuri, 17, 139
Raychaudhuri, H. C,, 141, 169
Republic, Licchavi, 139
Republics, 122, 124
Rgveda, 293, 296
Rock Edict XIII, 121
Rock Edict II, Asoka, 122
Roy, U. N., 39, 48
Rudraddman, Junagarh Rock Inscri-
ption, 223, 295, 299
Rudradeva, 30
Sabala see Names, defects
Samardnganasutradhdra, 209, 223,
224, 249
Saimgha, 112
Samudragupta, 21-22, 49, 138
Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 49,
138, 318-20
Dhruvabhuti, 48-49
Candragupta II, Mathura Pillar
Inscription, 21-22
Safnvat, Jodhpur Inscription, 126
Sanda see Names, qualitative
Sankalia, 42
Sankar, K. G., 245
Sdnkhdyana, 5, 6, 7
Santivarman, Talagund Stone
Pillar Inscription, 16
Sarira, 10
Satapatha Brdhmana, 5, 151, 169
Sathianathaier, R.,
Seda see complexion, fair
Sedila see complexion, fair
Sen, 216, 242, 260, 294
Sewell, 103
Shafer, 127, 138
Sharma, Dashratha, 17, 220 228-29
Airikina, 220
Dharmasutras, 17
Gotra, Dhdrana, 17
Kartrpura 228-29
Ksatriyas or Vai'syas, 17
Skandapurdna, 17
Sharan, M. K., 171, 173-75
Shastri, Hiranand, 26-27, 28
Siddhdnta-KaumudT, 152
Sircar, 26, 149, 150, 235, 243, 259,
299
Sircar, D. C., 39, 103, 125, 133, 155
217, 222, 234, 240, 250, 295 265
Abhira, 125-27
Airavata-go-rayya, 222
Bhadrapuskarakagrama, 240
Devaki, 103
ffuna, 131-35
Kakanadabota, 265
Krmila, 217
Miduvi/ala-ksetra, 250
Nagadatta, 39
Padma, 295
Pancanagan, 234
Pusyamitras, 155-57
Rudradeva, 39
Skandagupta, 17, 131, 221,
Bhitarl Stone Pillar Inscription,
131
Junagarh Rock Inscription, 221,
321-22
Mleccha- desa, 221
Skandapurdna, 20, 256
Smith, 153, 228, 229, 260
Smith, Vincent, 154
Smith, V. A., 15, 135, 141, 155, 253
Qavaka, 253
Kakas, 135
Licchavis, 138-43
Pusyamitras, 155-57
Smrti Period, 8-9
Manu, 8
Smrti, Yajnav alky see Yajftavalky
Smrti
Somadeva, Kathasaritsagara, 220
:N THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS
377
Pataliputra, 220
Somayajin, 8
Sn Gupta, 15-16
Historicity, 15
Prakrit, 16
Sanskrit, 16
Strabo, 163
Saka, 163
Surasmicandra, Maharaja, 294
Suruva see Names, Beauty
Sutikagni, 5
Sutra Period, 5
Abhivadanlya Name, 5
Grhya-Siltras, 5
Syamddhya see Samadhya 259
Tantra, Saktisangama, 259
Nepdla, 259
Thakur, Upendra, 134, 135
Thomas, 129, 130
Toramana, Eran Boar Inscription,
133
Jain Work, Kuvalaya mala, 133
Tripathi, 20
Turkestan, Chinese, 129
Tribes, 125-75
Abhira, 125
Abiravan, 125
Ptolemy, Geography, 125
Second Century A. D., 125
Third Century A. D., 125
Arjunayanas, 127-28
Fourth Century A. D., 128
Hidimbdvadha, 128
Atavika-raja, 128-29
Daivaputra, 129-130
Huna, 131-35
Skandagupta, Bhltarl Stone
Pillar Inscription, 131
Tibetan Hor, 132
Turks, 132
Kakas, 135
Kharaparikas, 135- 36
Kotas, 136
Coins of the Kotas, 136
Samudragupta, Allahabad Pillar
Inscription, 136
Kurus, 136-38
Brahmina Literature, 137
Indo-Aryan ksatriya tribes, 136
Kuru-Pancdlas Territory, 137
Sdtapatha Brdhmana, 137
7>A/-Briaratas, 137
Uttarakurus, 136
Licchavis, 138-43
Madrakas, 143-46, 154
Uttar Madras, 154
Women, Madras, 146
MaJava, 146-49
Mdlava, Apara, 148
Malwagana, 146
Malwa, Modern, 149
Malava, Sikhs, 147
Mleccha, 149-52
Aryan civilization, 149
Bhltarl Pilior Inscription, 149
M anu-5mr//, 151
Medieval Inscription, 152
Prakrit form of Speech, 150
Sanskrit term, 150
Murundas, 152-54
Foreign Tribe, 154
Samudragupta, Allahabad Pillar
Inscription, 152
Prarjunas, 154-55
Pusyamitras, 155
Bhitari Stone Pillar Inscription,
155
Sahanusahi, 157
Sahi, 158
Iranian Word, 158
Saimhalaka, 158-61
Ceylon, 158
Island of Rubies, 161
Lanka, 159
Ratnadvipa, 161
Sailan, 161
Sanskrit texts, 160
Simhala, 158
Saka, 161-66
Sanci, 162
Western Satraps, 162
378
PERSONAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES
Sankanika, 166-67
Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 166
Candragupta II, Udayagiricave
Inscription, 166
Satapatha Brahmana, 144
U
Udayagiri, 166
Udayagiri Cave Inscription, 14
Uigur, 131
Ancient Chinese, 131
Upanayana, 9
Vadabha see Names, defects
Vahlika, 167-71
Vajayanti, 153
Vainyagupta, 27-29
Dharmaditya, 2.9
Gopa Candra, 29
Mdhdrdjdhirdjd, 28
Pdrdmdbhdgdvdtd, 28
Sdmdcdrddevd, 29
Vdmdnd, 22
Vdmdndkd see Name, defects
Vardhamihira, 134, 159
Vasistha, 263
Vatsydyana&l ', 125, 167
Vayu, 126, 216
Vayupurana, 172
Vedic Period, 4
Father's or grandfather's Name,
4
Gotra, 4
Literature, 4, 5
Secret Name, 4, 5
Secular Name, 4
Vidyabhusana, S. C., 141
Vikada see Names qualitative
Vipina see Names, qualitative
VisnuPurdna, 16
Sarman, 16
Visnuvardhana, Mandasor Inscrip-
tion 293
Visvandtha, Sdhityz Dzrpana, 126
Vividhatirthakalpa, 236, 256
Ayodhvd 236
Kdsi, 256
Vogel, 296
Sindhu
Vrjikas, 123
Vydhrti, 5
W
Williams, Monier, 223, 229, 249
Kheta, 249
Kusthalapura, 229-30
Patha (foot path), 222-23
Wilson, 156, 263
Arydvartta, 263-65
Pusya mitras, 155-57
Wilson, H.H., 236
Ayodhyd, 236
Woolner, A.C., 293
Gangd, 293
X
Xoiinoi, Ptolemy, 132
Yddavaprakdsa, 216, 223, 267
Ydjnavalkya Smrti, 9
Ydska, 3, 4
Ya'sodharman, Mandasor Inscrip-
tion, 134, 293
Yaudheyanam Jayamantradhara-
nam, 173
Yaudheya, 171-75
Yuan-Chwang, 231
Pdtaliputra, 231
Zimmer, 137-38, 144, 169
Kiirus, 136-38
Madrakas, 143-46
Vahlika, 169
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